THE LIFE 



MAJOR-GENERAL 



PETER MUHLENBERG 



REVOLUTIONARY ARMY. 



BY 

HENRY A. MUHLENBERG. 



PHILADELPHIA: '' 

CAREY AND HART. 
1849. 



1 ^' 



EnteroU, accoriling to Act of Congress, in the year 1848, 

By Carey and Hakt, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of 
Pennsylvania. 



C. SHERMAN, PRINTER, 

19 St. James Street, 
Philada. 



,?f^ 



TO 

JARED SPAEKS, ESQ., 

THE FOLLOWING PAGES ARE INSCRIBED, 

AS A TOKEN OF RESPECT, 

FOR ONE WHO HAS DEVOTED HIS LIFE 

TO THE ELUCIDATION 

OF OUR REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY. 



PREFACE. 



In submitting the following pages to the public, the 
author may be permitted to hope that his trifling contri- 
bution to the Revolutionary history of the country will 
not be received with disfavour, A belief that the mate- 
rials were of some value, was the first inducement to 
publication. The second, was the wish to place the ser- 
vices of General Muhlenberg in their proper light ; in 
doing which, however, he has constantly endeavoured to 
avoid being biassed by the natural prejudice in favour of 
a relative. The work itself will show that he has 
anxiously consulted all accessible authorities, and at 
least endeavoured to draw from them impartial conclu- 
sions. 

Much of the matter referring to the Virginia cam- 
paigns has been hitherto unpublished, that part of the 
war having been much neglected by historians. The 
materials here collected may therefore in some measure 
aid future writers. 

1* 



VI PREFACE. 

In conclusion, the author wishes to return his sincere 
tlianks to those persons who have kindly aided him with 
the MS. collections in their possession. His acknow- 
ledgments are especially due to the Hon. James Bucha- 
nan, for permitting a full examination of the Washington 
Papers, in the Department of State ; to P. M. Nightin- 
gale, Esq., of Georgia, for copies of portions of General 
Greene's Papers ; and to the librarian of the New York 
Historical Society, for access to the valuable MS. col- 
lections of the Society. 

Among the many applications of this kind he has 
been necessarily obliged to make, he is happy to say 
that in but two instances has he been met with a re- 
fusal. 

He also gratefully acknowledges his obligations to 
F. A. Muhlenberg, Esq., of Lancaster, whose aid in the 
collection of materials has been invaluable. 

Reading, Aug. 1, 1848. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Introductory Remarks — Birtli — Account of his Family — 
Condition of German Emigrants in America — Want of 
Religious Instruction — Arrival of Henry Melcliior Muh- 
lenberg — His Character — His Influence over the Germans 
— Education of tiic Son — Sent to the University of Halle — 
His Conduct there — Expelled, and Enlists in a Regiment 
of Dragoons — Anecdote of the Battle of Brandy wine — Re- 
turns to America — Studies Theology — Is Ordained — Sta- 
tioned in New Jersey — His Marriage — Is called to 
Virginia — Reasons for new Ordination — Sails for England 
— His Ordination — Stay in London — Return to America - 13 



CHAPTER 11. 

Condition of Virginia — German Population of that State — 
His Arrival and Residence — His Conduct in the Early 
Disturbances — Meeting in Dunmorc County — Resolutions 
Passed — Elected to the House of Burgesses — Appointed 
Delegate to the Convention — His Course in that Body — 
Commencement of Hostilities — Appointed Colonel of the 
Eighth Virginia Regiment — Farewell Sermon at W^ood- 
stock — Success in Enlistment — Ordered to Suffolk — Con- 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

duct of Lord Dunmorc — Arrival of General Leo — Ordered 
to North Carolina — Ordered to Charleston — Battle of Sulli- 
van's Island — Lee's Despateh — Doubt as to Rank of the 
Eighth Regiment — General Lee's Letter to the Secretary 
of War — Resolution of Congress — Lee's Friendship — Ex- 
pedition to Florida — Reason of its Failure — Ravages of 
Disease at Savannah — Ordered to the North — Arrives in 
Virginia ..--...-.38 



CHAPTER III. 

Recruiting in Virginia — Promoted to the Rank of Brigadier- 
General — Letter to General Wasliington — Duties assigned 
him in Virginia — Appointed to a Brigade — Arrives at Head. 
Quarters — Movements in Jersey — The Army marches to 
Philadelphia — Uncertainty as to the Enemy's Movements — 
Council of War — Strength of his Brigade — March through 
Philadelphia — General Orders there issued — Reasons for 
giving Battle — General Washington's Appeal to the Army 
— Its loose Discipline — Movements of the two Armies — 
Battle of Brandywine — Disposition of the Americans — 
Rout of the Right Wing — Extraordinary March of the 
Reserve — Gallant Conduct of Muiilenberg's and Weedon's 
Brigades — Pursuit of the Enemy clieekcd — Retreating 
Army saved — Reasons for not being mentioned in the 
Despatch— Fall of Philadelphia 70 



CHAPTER IV. 

Continuation ofCampaign of 1777— Discipline of his Brigade 
— Council of War — Battle of Germantown — Position of the 
Enemy — American Plan of Attack — Progress of Main 
Body — Position of Wayne and Stephen — Progress of Left 



CONTENTS. IX 

Column — Gains the Centre of Village — Muhlenberg's 
Charge — Defeat of British Right Wing — Retreat of Ame- 
rican Main Body — Left Column surrounded — Its Retreat 
— Capture of the Ninth Virginia Regiment — Muhlenberg's 
Brigade retreats last — Exposure of his Person — Causes of 
the Censure attempted to be cast upon General Greene 
and the Left Column — Contemplated Attack upon Phila- 
delphia — General Muhlenberg's Opinion on the Canton- 
ment of the Troops — Opinion on a proposed Winter Cam- 
paign and Attack on Philadelphia — Remains at Valley 
Forge during the Winter — Attempts to capture Him — 
Anecdote — Dispute of Rank with General Woodford — 
Statement of the Case — Referred to a Board of General 
Officers — Letter to Congress — Letters to and from General 
Washington — His Resignation not accepted — Letter to the 
Virginia Delegation — Resolution of Congress — Opinion of 
Patrick Henry — Settlement of the Dispute - - - 102 



CHAPTER V. 

Opening of the Campaign of 1778 — Plan of Operation pro- 
posed — General Muhlenberg's Opinion — Rejoicings at 
Valley Forge — Council of War — Opinion on the Propriety 
of a General Action — Evacuation of Philadelphia — Council 
of War — Battle of Monmouth — Position of his Brigade — 
Attack upon Greene's Division — Conduct in the Action — 
Army at the White Plains — Reorganization of Brigades 
— Muhlenberg advanced to King's Bridge — Proposed 
March to the Eastward — His Opinion — Selection of Winter 
Quarters — Application for Leave of Absence — Washing- 
ton's Reply — Assigned the Command of a Division — 
Dinner to General Putnam — March to Middlcbrook — 
Sudden Return — Gaiety at Middlebrook — Preparations for 



the Campaign — March of the Army to the Highlands — 
Attack upon Stony Point — Arrangement of the Virginia 
Line — Ordered to the South with his Command — Dcstina- 
tion Changed — Directed to assume the Chief Command in 
Virginia ......... 141 



CHAPTER Vr. 

Condition of Virginia — Weakness of the South — Importance 
of the Duties assigned Him — Support of the Southern 
Army — Defence of the State — His Journey — Deficiency of 
Munitions of War — Small Number of Troops — Conscrip- 
tion Law proposed — Letter from General Washington — 
His Reply — Captivity of the Virginia Line — Great Exer- 
tions necessary — Reorganization of the Virginia Line — 
General Washington's Letter — Arrival and Departure of 
General Gates — Condition of Troops in Virginia — Sends 
Reinforcements to General Gates — Difficulty of equipping 
them — General Leslie invades Virginia — General Muhlen- 
berg marches against the Enemy — His strength — Letter to 
General Gates — His Army reinforced to Five Thousand 
Men — Deficiency in Artillery — Project of capturing the 
Enemy by Aid of the French Fleet — The British re-em- 
bark — Volunteers and Militia discharged — General Order 
—Letter to the Board of War 178 



CHAPTER Vn. 

Arrival of Baron Steuben — Orders of General Greene — 
Mutiny of the Troops ordered South — Suppressed by 
General Mulilenberg — Arnold's Invasion — Its Object — 
Condition of Troops at Chesterfield — Letter to Steuben — 
Movements of the Enemy — Position of American Troops 



CONTENTS. XI 

— Plan to capture Arnold — Condition of Muhlenberg's 
Forces before Portsmouth — Letter to Steuben — Report 
relative to Attack on the Town — Extract from Letter to 
Greene — Appearance of the French Fleet — Plan of Opera- 
tions — Reasons for its Failure — Letters from Steuben — 
Proposed Arrival of the whole French Fleet and General 
Lafayette's Land Forces — Position of American Troops — 
General Gregory's Treason — Distress in Portsmouth — 
Lafayette's Arrival — Appearance of the English Fleet — 
Lafayette's Return — Arrival of General Phillips — Letter 
to Steuben — Muhlenberg's Retreat — Desertion of the 
Militia — Letter to Steuben — The Enemy ascend James 

River — General Muhlenberg takes Post at Blandford 

Battle of Blandford — Jefferson's Letter — Muhlenberg's 
Letter — Steuben's General Order — Greene's Letter Ar- 
nold's Report — Arrival of Lafayette — Junction of the 
Americans — Retreat of the Enemj- - . . - 216 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Takes Command of the Regular Light Infantry — Position of 
the American Forces — Junction of Cornwallis and Arnold 
— Lafayette's Retreat — Cornwallis's Retreat — Tarleton's 
Attack upon Muhlenberg's Corps — Orders of Sir Henry 
Clinton — Battle of Greenspring — General Muhlenberg's 
advance without Orders — General Wayne Extricated — 
Strength of American Army — Plans of Combined Attack 
upon Yorktown — Cornwallis's design to Retreat south- 
wardly by Land — Muhlenberg ordered to Oppose the 
Movement^His letter to General Jones — Returns to Com. 
mand of the American Advance — Great Vigilance required 

Letter to General Washington — Assault on the "Twin 

Batteries" — Examination of Colonel Hamilton's Claims — 
Evidence in favour of General Muhlenberg— Receives 



XII CONTENTS. 

Leave of Absence — Letter to General Wasliington — Ap- 
plies for Orders to join General Greene — Assigned the 
Command of Virginia — His Duties — Correspondence with 
Greene — Letter from General Washington — Promoted to 
the Rank of Major-Gencral — The Army Disbanded — Re- 
moves to Pennsylvania — Journey to the Falls of Ohio — 
Extracts from his Journal — Letter to tiic President of 
Congress — Letter to Baron Steuben — Second Journey to 
the West 254 

CHAPTER IX. 

Civil Life of General Muhlenberg — The Society of the Cin- 
cinnati — His Connexion with the Order — Elected Vice- 
President of Pennsylvania — Insurrection in Wyoming — 
Its Causes — Exertions in favour of Ratification of the Con- 
stitution — Elected Member of the First Congress — Course 
in that Body — Coolness with General Washington — Its 
Cause — Command of the Indian Army — Baron Steuben's 
Annuity — Removal of Congress — Formation of a new 
State Constitution — Tlic Trout Letter — Elected Member of 
the Third Congress — Proposed by tiic President as one of 
the Generals in the New Army — Elected Member of the 
Sixth Congress — Condition of Parties — His Support of Mr. 
Jefferson — Election of 1800 — Plan for Declaring the Elec- 
tion Null — Mr. Jefferson's Letter — Course of General 
Muhlenberg — Elected to the United States Senate — Ap- 
pointed Supervisor of Pennsylvania — Collector of Phila- 
delphia — His Death and Character . . - - 307 

Notes 335 

Letters ......... 353 

Journal ......... 425 

List of Officers ....-..- 453 



M E M I R 

OF 

GENERAL MUHLENBEHG. 

CHAPTER I. 

Introductory Remarks — Birtli — Account of his Family — Condi- 
tion of German Emigrants in America — Want of Religious 
Instruction — Arrival of Ilcnry Mclchior Mulilcnberg — His 
Character — His Influence over the Germans — Education of 
the Son — Sent to the University of Halle — His Conduct there 
— Expelled, and Enlists in a Regiment of Dragoons — Anec- 
dote of the Battle of Brandywlnc — Returns to America — Stu- 
dies Theology — Is Ordained — Stationed in New Jersey — His 
Marriage — Is called to Virginia — Reasons for new Ordination 
— Sails for England — His Ordination — Stay in lyondon — Re- 
turn to America. 

It is a pious duty to rescue the memory ot^ tlie 
great and good men who achieved our indepen- 
dence, from that oblivion into which it is fast falling. 
Year after year as it rolls by, diminishes the still 
surviving number of their followers, and their equals 
and companions have, without an exception, gone 
to their long homes. Thus many important facts 
2 



14 MEMOIK, OF 

and incidents of that great struggle, wliich lived 
only in the meniory of their actors, have been lost 
for ever, and those still preserved by tradition, will 
soon share the same fate, unless the attempt at pre- 
servation be now made. 

The destroying hand of time too, has been laid 
heavily upon the less perishable remains of the 
Revolution. The written documents of that period, 
preserved with scrupulous care by their original 
possessors, have in many instances fallen into the 
hands of those by whom (heir value is not ap- 
preciated, often not understood. Few remain of 
the numerous collections of these invaluable papers, 
which must have existed throughout the whole 
country at the close of the war. Many have al- 
ready perished under the combined influence of 
ignorance and carelessness, and the same causes 
are rapidly producing the destruction of the rem- 
nant still in existence. If then, the still unwritten 
history of those dark and gloomy times is to be 
preserved — if the American people are anxious to 
record the devotion and gallant services of those 
who perilled everything in their cause — the work 
can be no longer delayed. 

The most prominent leaders of the Revolution 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 15 

can never be forgotten whilst a page of history 
remains. Their deeds, their name and fame, arc 
written in the annals of the world. All mankind 
revere the name of a Washington, or a Lafayette, 
and exult that their race could produce such men. 
Their position gave them celebrity, their acts im- 
mortality ; but without the first they might have 
lived and died unhonoured and unknown. There 
were others, to whom fortune denied such oppor- 
tunity. Brave and gallant, skilful and experienced 
as they undoubtedly were, yielding to none in devo- 
tion to the great cause, and in sacrifices for its 
sake, their inferior rank prevented their services 
from being so extensively known, and receiving 
their due meed of applause. 

These men appeal to their country for justice. 
For her they sacrificed everything ; she then should 
revere and cherish their memory. The names of 
Washington, Lafayette, and Greene, are the pro- 
perty of the world ; those of Steuben, Sullivan, 
Morgan, Muhlenberg, Reed, Knox, Weedon, and 
many others, are more exclusively that of the Ame- 
rican people. Yet the memory of their acts, their 
fame and their very names are fast perishing among 
the people for whom they sacrificed so much, and 
were it not for sketches like the present, in a few 



16 MEMoin or 

years more they would be forgotten, or at most re- 
membered only by a single anecdote of some gallant 
act or bold speech. Yet in their day these men 
filled a large space in the public esteem, and grati- 
tude as well as justice imperatively demands that 
their services should not be forgotten. 

That trait too of the Anglo-Saxon character, 
which delights in heaping honours and rewards 
upon the head of the successful leader, whilst it 
seems studiously to court forgetfulness of all inferior 
objects, is too common among Americans. The 
German and French people act more justly in this 
respect, and the memory of the lieutenants of their 
great commanders is cherished with almost equal 
veneration. Their deeds are remembered by the 
nations they served, not appropriated to build up a 
colossal reputation for their chief. Thus in the 
memory of the people, Napoleon and Frederick are 
surrounded by a brilliant circle of subordinates, 
whilst Wellington stands almost alone. This mode 
of thinking has retarded very much the minute 
elucidation of our Revolutionary history, and caused 
losses not now to be repaired. 

In this sjiirit then the following pages are written. 
There will be found in ihem no attempt to detract 
from the just reputation of any one, but a simple 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 17 

cfTort is made to do justice to the character and 
acts of* one of the inferior general officers of the 
Revolution, who served his country well and faith- 
fully. If success attend his efforts in this respect, 
the writer will have accomplished all he desired ; 
and if in addition the hitherto unpublished docu- 
ments in his plain narrative, should throw new light 
upon any portion of our Revolutionary History, he 
will be more than amply repaid for his labour. 



The subject of the present memoir, John Peter 
Gabriel Muhlenberg, afterwards a Major-General 
in the army of the Revolution, was born October 
1, 1746, at the village of the Trappe, in Mont- 
gomery County, Pennsylvania. His father, Henry 
Melchior Muhlenberg, D.D., the founder of the 
Lutheran Church in America, emigrated from Ger- 
many in the year 1742. Shortly after his arrival 
he led to the altar, Anna, a daughter of Col. Conrad 
Wciser, a celebrated officer and Indian agent, in 
the provincial history of Pennsylvania. Of this union 
Peter was the eldest child. 

His future history is so intimately connected with 
2* 



18 MEMOIR OF 

that of the German population of Virginia and 
Pennsylvania, and his influence over them, always 
exerted in the cause of liberty, was so great, that 
it will be proper to seek its cause. To do this, a 
brief reference to the earlier history of the family 
will be necessary. 

As early as the year 1700, the tide of German 
emigration commenced swelling towards the new 
world. With each year it increased, and as the 
descendants of the earlier emigrants clung with a 
tenacity peculiarly German to the language, man- 
ners and customs of their forefathers, in a few 
years the German population of Pennsylvania, and 
other of the Middle States, became numerous and 
widely scattered. But the emigrants were for tlic 
most part in humble circumstances, and settled as 
they were on the dividing line between civilized 
and savage life, exposed daily and almost hourly to 
the incursions of hostile Indians, their situation and 
comforts did not improve with their increasing 
numbers. The most grievous of their deprivations, 
however, was the want of that religious instruction 
to which they had been accustomed from early 
childhood. 

The Germans are an essentially religious people, 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 19 

and these early emigrants, generally followers of 
Luther, seem to have been peculiarly sensitive upon 
this subject. Separated from the world, and from 
human aid, buried in interminable forests, it is but 
natural that their religious feeling should have been 
strengthened by their situation, and that like the 
Puritans they should have put their trust in the 
Lord of Hosts and in Him alone. Certain it is that 
their destitute condition in this respect, weighed 
upon them more heavily than the want of any of 
the comforts of civilized life. 

Accordingly we find their early correspondence 
with their brethren in Germany, filled with com- 
plaints upon this head, and with requests that the 
rulers of the church siiould send them proper pas- 
tors. Nor is this to be wondered at, for among 
the many thousand Germans scattered throughout 
the colonies, prior to the year 1740, there was not to 
be found a single clergyman ; or (with perhaps one 
or two exceptions,) a single permanent place of 
worship. Wandering outcasts there were, it is true, 
whose assumption of the sacred garb only served to 
bring religion into disrepute, and to sow dissensions 
among the members of the church ; but no pro- 
perly ordained minister had as yet come among 



20 MEMOIR OF 

these poor exiles, to give ihern that spiritual in- 
struction, the want of which ihey so severely felt. 
This state of things too, was beginning to exert its 
influence upon the younger members of these com- 
munities, and it was feared that in a short time the 
devotional spirit, which is the most beautiful cha- 
racteristic of the German race, would be utterly 
extinct among them. 

In the mean time, however, the situation of the 
Germans in America, was exciting much interest 
among their fellow Lutherans in Germany, and that 
the desired aid was not sooner extended, was in 
great part owing to the difficulty of selecting a 
person willing to accept the trust, and at the same 
time possessed of the proper qualifications. These 
were required necessarily to be of a high order. 
Dissensions were to be healed, improper persons, 
who had gathered congregations, were to be re- 
moved ; and the Swedish, as well as the German 
Lutherans, were to be placed under his guidance. 

At length the choice of the church fell upon 
Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, an alumnus of Got- 
tingen, and at that time residing at the University 
of Halle. His i'amily was originally Saxon, but like 
many of the earlier followers of Luther, suflcred 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 21 

heavily in the Thirty Years' War, and becoming 
impoverished, removed to Eimbeck, in Hanover; 
then a free city of the Empire. Here, in the year 
1711, Henry was born. The early death of his 
father, who held a judicial post, upon which the 
support of his family depended, arrested his educa- 
tion at a most critical period ; but the deep-toned 
piety of the boy, and his love of learning, were not 
to be repressed by adversity, his conduct soon rais- 
ing him up friends whose kindness enabled him to 
pursue the course originally designed for him. In 
this school of domestic affliction, were formed those 
marked traits of character, that mixture of Chris- 
tian humility with courageous energy and stern 
determination of purpose, which so much distin- 
guished his after life. 

In the year 1735, he entered the University of 
Gottingen, where his merits as a scholar attracted 
the favourable notice of Gesner, and his active 
practical piety, devoting itself to the illumination of 
the most neglected portion of the community, pro- 
cured him the grateful acknowledgment of the 
heads of the University. His conduct here gained 
him powerful friends, among whom were Count 
Reuss XXIV., whose chaplain he was; and Count 



22 MEMOIR OF 

Erdman Henkel, by whose advice lie, after his 
graduation, removed to Halle. At the latter place 
he formed the most intimate relations with the 
authorities of that university; with Franks, Cel- 
larius, and the Inspector Fabricius, who were at 
that time amonjr the most distinguished lights of the 
church. By their advice he consented to accept 
the charge offered him in America, and their friend- 
ship cheered and enliv^ened his after life in his ar- 
duous mission. 

In the spring of 1742, he left Halle for London, 
where he found an old friend. Dr. Ziegenhagen, 
who as the private chaplain of George II. was 
etiabled to further materially the objects of his mis- 
sion. In September he arrived at Charleston, S. C, 
and finally, after a dangerous and disagreeable jour- 
ney, reached his charge in Philadelphia, Nov% 25, 
1742. 

His arrival was a source of unlimited joy to the 
Germans, wdio had been so long expecting him. 
They saw themselves at last gathered together 
under the charge of a priest consecrated to the ser- 
vice of God according to the forms of their fathers; 
and a more intimate knowledge of the man, only 
served to strengthen the love and veneration with 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 23 

which his calling inspired thenn.i Here is not the 
place to recite his labours, his sufferings, and his 
success ; suffice it to say that he laboured most 
assiduously in his vocation, visiting all parts of the 
country, from New York to Georgia, wherever any 
scattered portions of his charge were to be found ; 
everywhere healing dissensions, relieving the afflict- 
ed, and preaching the Gospel to those who had 
been so long deprived of that blessing. Nothing 
deterred him from his duty. On the frontiers his 
life was frequently in danger from the hostile In- 
dians, who had swept through his congregations 
with fire and sword; and oftentimes his skill in 
surgery was used to cure these poor victims of bar- 
barity. '^ His education fitted him peculiarly for the 
duties he was obliged to perform. A ripe theo- 
logian, he was at the same time otherwise a highly 
educated man, and preached in all the languages 
then spoken on this continent. In New York he 
frequently addressed English, German, and Low 
Dutch congregations, each in their own language, 
upon the same day. But great as were his qualifi- 
cations in this respect, they were exceeded by those 
with which nature had endowed him, and which 
were far more important to the success of his la- 



24 MEMOIR OF 

bours. Mild and gentle, lie yet possessed firmness 
and an integrity of purpose, wiiicli naught could 
move. Eloquent, he could perfectly adapt his style 
of speaking to his auditory, and either rivet the 
attention of a synod, or melt the heart of the wild 
frontier-man. Just, the churches throughout the 
whole land, and even their individual members, ap- 
pealed to his decision in case of dispute, and his 
word was law. Withal an humble and sincere 
Christian, illustrating his precepts in his daily life, 
he was a father to the fatherless, and his charity 
antl good counsels were freely extended to all who 
sought them. 

That such a man should have won the devoted 
love of all who knew him is not strange, and accor- 
dingly we ihid that the esteem and veneration felt 
for him by the congregations of his creed was un- 
bounded. They bestowed upon him the allectionate 
name of "Father IMuhlenberg,"'' a name by which 
he is still known among the Lutherans of this 
country, and he retained his position as head of the 
church which ho had fouiulcd, iluring the whole of 
his long and useful life. Among the Germans his 
influence was especially great. He was their coun- 
tryman, and needing, they received most of his 



OENEIlAr. MUHLENBERG. 25 

paternal care, which they repaid with the strongest 
affection for himself and his children. This influ- 
ence was always exerted for his country, hoth hy 
himself and his sons, und it will hercalter be found 
to have had much eflibct upon the career of the sub- 
ject of this memoir. 

Peter, as has already been stated, was born in 
Montgomery County. His father had resided in 
Philadelphia from the date of his disembarkation, 
until the year 1745, when the arrival of other minis- 
ters from Germany enabled him to give up the 
congregations in the city, and bestow more of his 
attention to the aflairs of the church generally. He 
therefore removed to the Trappe, where the largest 
and most flourishing of the TAitheran churches was 
then situated. Thus Peter was emphatically a 
country boy, and soon became skilled in all vigor- 
ous and athletic exercises, for which he seems to 
have had a natural aptness. Prom his father's pecu- 
liar position, as well [)erhaps as from his tnode of 
thinking, the son was destined almost from the 
cradle lor the ministerial oflicc, and in pursuance 
of tliat design, great f)ains vv'crc taken with his early 
education. It was conducted under the immediate 
supervision of his f;ithor, until the removal of the 
3 



26 MEMOIR. OF 

family to Philadelphia, which occurred in the year 
1761. Here he was entered at the academy under 
the care of the Provost, Dr. Smith, where he re- 
mained a few years. The systeln of education, 
however, at that time in this country, was extremely 
limited, and his father soon found it necessary to 
make preparations for sending him with his brothers 
to Europe. As early as the fall of 17G2, we find 
Dr. Muhlenberg in correspondence with the Rev. 
Mr. Duche, at that time junior minister of the High 
Church in Philadelphia, who intended shortly visit- 
ing England, and who had promised to take charge 
of Peter during the voyage. The journey of Mr. 
Duche was however prevented at that time, and 
the opportunity, then rare between the two coun- 
tries, was lost. In the spring of 1763 another ofler 
presented itself; Chief Justice Allen, long a resident 
of Philadelphia, and an intimate friend of Dr. Muh- 
lenberg, was about returning to England, and kindly 
consented to take charge of his sons that far upon 
their journey. 

On the 27th of April, 1763, Peter, then sixteen 
years old, with his two younger brothers, Frederick 
and Henry, embarked on board the packet ship, 
Captain Budden, and left Philadelphia for T.ondon. 



GENERAL MUIILENEERG. 27 

There, as all were extremely young, they were to 
be put under the care of Dr. Ziegenhagen, who un- 
dertook to send them to Halle, their place of desti- 
nation. Once arrived at the latter place, the want of 
paternal care would be fully supplied by the atten- 
tion of the many friends their father had made 
during his sojourn at that university. On the 15th 
of June they arrived in London, and after a short 
stay departed via Rotterdam for Halle, where they 
arrived in the fall of the same year. Here they 
entered the preparatory department, being not yet 
sufficiently advanced to become members of the 
University. 

The following characteristic extract of a letter 
from his father to Dr. Ziegenhagen, dated Oct. 27, 
1763, gives a general outline of the boy's character, 
and shows his apprehension, afterwards realized, 
that Peter would prove a troublesome subject. " My 
son Peter has alas enjoyed but little of my care and 
control, on account of my extensive official duties, 
but he has had no evil example from his parents, 
and many reproofs and counsels. His chief fault 
and bad inclination, has been his fondness for hunt- 
ing and fishing. But if our most reverend fathers 
at Halle observe any tendency to vice, I would 



28 MEMOIR. OF 

humbly beg that they send him to a well-disciplined 
garrison town, under the name of Peter Wciser, 
before he causes much trouble or complaint. There 
he may obey the drum if he will not follow the 
spirit of God. My prayers will follow him, and if 
his soul only is saved, be he in what condition he 
may, I shall be content. I well know what Satan 
wishes for me and mine." 

These anticipations were soon realized. Perhaps 
the young Americans were looked upon as dcmi- 
savages by their German fellow-students, and per- 
haps Peter's disposition was too fiery to submit to 
the strict discipline of a German school, at that 
time strict even to the verge of cruelty. Be that as 
it may, whether caused by one or the other reason, 
or by a combination of both, Peter was continually 
in trouble. Things went on from bad to worse, 
until some time in the year 1764, upon the occasion 
of a public procession in the presence of the heads 
of the University, some insult was ofiered him by 
his tutor, which his hot temper would not brook, 
and it was avenged upon the spot by a blow. 

This outrage rendered his expulsion inevitable. 
He did not, however, wait for its official notifica- 
tion, but collecting his little property, fled from the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 20 

University. A regiment of dragoons was passing 
through the town, in which upon the spur of tlie 
moment lie enhsted, Uttle thinking that his father 
had recommended that very remedy to cool his hot 
blood. Although not eighteen, he was tall and well 
proportioned, and so desirable a recruit was readily 
accepted. He thus left the University, little caring 
what became of him, so rejoiced was he in being 
freed from wiiat he deemed the tyranny of proctors 
and provosts. 

The precise length of time he remained with this 
regiment the writer has no means of ascertaining. 
lie must, however, have fully upheld the character 
he had gained at the University, as appears from 
the Ibllowing anecdote connected with this regi- 
ment, related by himself, and still preserved as a 
family tradition. Ten or eleven years after, the 
battle of Brandywine was fought. In that action 
General Muhlenberg commanded a brigade of Vir- 
ginians, which with Weedon's was thrown forward 
at the close of that hardfought day, to repel the 
victorious advance of the enemy, and give time to 
our shattered columns to retreat. The struggle 
was at the point of the bayonet, and it so happened 
that this very regiment, dismounted, was one of 
3* 



30 MEMOIR OF 

those opposed to Muhlenberg's command. The 
General, mounted upon a white horse, tall and com- 
manding in his figure, was very conspicuous at the 
head of his men, leading on the long line of Conti- 
nentals ; when the contending parties came near 
enough to be recognised, many of the older soldiers 
(German enlistments being for life,) remembered 
their former comrade, and the cry ran along their 
astonished ranks, " Hier kommt teufel Piet !" (Here 
comes Devil Pete.) 

Finally, however, he was freed from the obliga- 
tions he had so rashly assumed, in the following 
manner. A colonel in the British army, whose name 
is unfortunately forgotten, was leaving Hanover, 
where he held some official appointment, for Ame- 
rica. He had been prior to this, long stationed in 
that country, was a frequent visiter at the house 
of Dr. Muhlenberg, and knew the family and Peter 
well. On his journey he happened to pass through 
the town in which this regiment was then quartered, 
and to his utter surprise recognised his young Ame- 
rican acquaintance among its soldiers. He sought 
him out, and learned the cause of his present posi- 
tion, after which, by representing the matter in its 
true light, as a boyish student freak, and certifying 



GENEF.AL MUHLENBERG. 31 

to the respectability of his family, he easily pro- 
cured his discharge. Peter took leave of his com- 
rades, and accompanied his kind friend to America, 
where he arrived some time in the year 1700. This 
interposition was probably the most fortunate event 
of his life, for although his family would sooner or 
later have procured his discharge, yet from the 
rarity of intercourse, and length of time necessarily 
occupied, he might have remained there a year or 
two longer, and been utterly disqualified for any 
other pursuits. As it was, the occurrence had a 
beneficial eflect upon his character and disposition, 
rendering him more tractable, although most pro- 
bably the taste for military life here acquired, in- 
fluenced his whole future career. 

His father, who we may well conceive had suf- 
fered much anxiety on account of his son, in his 
joy at the lost being found, received him with open 
arms, and granted him forgiveness for, and oblivion 
of the past. For some time Peter remained at 
home, his father personally superintending the com- 
pletion of his education. 

It was now time for him to turn his thoughts to 
the selection of a profession. Had his own wishes 
only been consulted, he would doubtless have chosen 



32 MEMOIR OF 

the army, but liis father very earnestly desired that 
the church which he had founded in America, 
sliould be supported and sustained by the etlbrts of 
his sons. The uniform kindness which his many 
youdiful foUies had met \vith at his father's hands, 
inchned him to yield to his wishes, and accordingly 
he commenced the study of theology under his 
father's directions. 

Early in the year 1768 he was ordained a minis- 
ter of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, according 
to the rules and discipline of that sect, and on the 
12th of May was appointed assistant rector of Zion's 
and St. Paul's churches, in New Jersey. These 
congregations, commonly known as the Valley 
Churches, were situated at New Germantown and 
Bedminster, in Hunterdon and Somerset Counties. 
On the 5th of February, in the ensuing year, he 
commenced officiating, and remained in that capa- 
city for several years. Retaining his strong par- 
tiality for hunting and fishing, (the bad inclination 
referred to earlier by his father,) he became tho- 
roughly acquainted with that part of the country, 
a knowledge which during the long stay of the 
army at Morristown. and its subsequent operations 
in Jersey, became of great value. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 33 

Whilst stationed in New Jersey, his marriage 
with Anna Barbara Meyer, took place. The cere- 
mony was performed on the Gth of November, 
1770. 

For some years prior to this, the German inhabi- 
tants of tlie Middle States commenced emigrating 
in considerable numbers to Virginia, settling princi- 
pally in the valley of the Blue Ridge. These Ger- 
man settlements gradually became large, particu- 
larly those in Dunmorc, and being Lutherans, a 
congregation was formed at Woodstock, the seat 
of justice for that county. This congregation de- 
sired a pastor, and accordingly application was 
made to Dr. Muhlenberg to appoint one, with the 
request that his son might be assigned to that situa- 
tion. Some difficulties, however, presented them- 
selves. In order to meet the peculiar laws of the 
colony of Virginia on the subject of church estab- 
lishment, these Germans had organized themselves 
as members of the Swedish branch of the Lutheran 
Church, there being no difference between that and 
the German, save in point of form only. Some 
congregations of the former existed at this very 
time in Pennsylvania, and were in close connexion 
with the Lutheran Church proper.* The Swedish 



34 MEMOIR OF 

Church at the Reformation diflered from the Ger- 
man in retaining its bishops, and their discipHne 
required that pastors should be ordained and conse- 
crated by a bishop. This had not been done in 
Mr. Muhlenberg's case, who had been ordained by 
his father, in accordance with the rules and disci- 
pline of the German Lutheran Church. Another 
obstacle arose from the union of church and state 
in Virginia, where the Church of England was es- 
tablished by law, and in order that the rector could 
enforce the payment of tithes, it was necessary that 
he should have been ordained by a Bishop of the 
English church, in which case he came under the 
provisions of the law, although not a member of 
the established church. To meet these difficulties 
it was deemed necessary that Mr. Muhlenberg 
should be ordained anew, according to the disci- 
pline prescribed by the Swedish Lutheran Church. 
Accordingly he resigned his charge in New Jer- 
sey, and made preparations for a voyage to Eng- 
land, ta receive Episcopal ordination, any properly 
consecrated Protestant Bishop being competent for 
the purpose. He sailed from Philadelphia for Lon- 
don on the 2d of March, 1772, and arrived at Dover 
on the 10th of the following month. During this 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG- 35 

journey Mr. Muhlenberg kept a daily journal, now 
in the writer's possession, which is in many parts 
highly interesting; but space forbids any extracts 
being here made. 

From this journal, however, we learn that if 
any scruples did exist in his mind, with respect to 
his profession, at the time of his entering upon the 
study of it, they were now entirely removed ; and 
he seems to have been fully impressed with the 
serious nature of the duties he had assumed, and to 
have brought to their discharge a spirit of pure and 
humble Christianity. 

His stay in London was very brief. Immediately 
upon his arrival he waited upon the Lord Bishop of 
London, by whose chaplain, the Rev. Dr. Hind, he 
was examined. Two other Americans were then 
in London upon the same errand, a Mr. Braidfoot, 
of Virginia, and Mr. White, afterwards the vene- 
rated Bishop White of Pennsylvania ; the latter of 
wliom had already been ordained as deacon. On 
account of their number, the Bishop consented to 
their private ordination, and after having with Mr. 
Braidfoot received deacon's orders from the Bishop 
of Ely, they were all ordained as priests on the 23d 
of April, 1772, at the King's Chapel, St. James's, 



36 MEMOIR OF 

by the Bishop of London, who he says, " made us 
a very serious and eloquent oration concerning the 
weighty matters we had before us." On the 3d of 
May he preached at the German Chapel in the 
Savoy, before a very crowded audience, attracted 
doubtless by the novelty of an American divine. 

During his stay in London he made many valued 
acquaintances and friends, among whom were the 
Messrs. Penn, proprietaries of his native state. He 
also had the pleasure of again meeting his father's 
friend, Dr. Ziegenhagen, the king's chaplain, who 
had been so kind to him during his youth. This 
gentleman, the journal states, made some objections 
to the propriety of his being ordained by a Bishop 
of the Church of England ; a point which seems to 
have some force. But the discussion of a theologi- 
cal question would be here out of place. Another 
fact is also there mentioned, which is curious, as 
showing the change in popular sentiment, in refe- 
rence to the conduct of clergymen. He states, per- 
fectly as a matter of course, that Mr. White, Mr. 
Braidfoot, and himself went to the theatre to see the 
celebrated Garrick. How would such conduct be 
regarded now, by those professing to be peculiarly 
strict ? 



GENERA r. MUHLENBERG. 37 

Some correspondence with the authorities of the 
Church in Sweden, transmitting to them some ne- 
cessary papers, detained hiin a short time; after 
which he rapidly made his preparations for return. 
On the 24th of May he sailed from London, and 
after a very tempestuous voyage arrived in safety 
at Philadelphia in the latter part of July. 



38 MEMOIR OF 



CHAPTER II. 

Condition of Virginia — German Population of that State — His 
Arrival and Residence — HisC'onduct in the Earlj' Disturbances 
— Meeting in Dunmore County — Resolutions Passed — Elected 
to the House of Burgesses — Appointed Delegate to the Con- 
vention — His Course in tiiat Body — Commencement of Hos- 
tilities — Appointed Colonel of the Eighth Virginia Regiment — 
Farewell Sermon at Woodstock — Success in Enlistment — Or- 
dered to Suffolk — Conduct of Lord Dunmore — Arrival of Gene- 
ral Lee — Ordered to North Carolina — Ordered to Charleston — 
Battle of Sullivan's Island — Lee's Despatch — Doubt as to Rank 
of the Eighth Regiment — General Lee's Letter to the Secretary 
of War — Resolution of Congress — Lee's Friendship — Expedi- 
tion to Florida — Reason of its Failure — Ravages of Disease at 
Savannah — Ordered to the North — Arrives in Virginia. 

The disputes between the mother country and 
the Colonies were just commencing to be of intense 
bitterness, when Mr. Muhlenberg removed with his 
family from Pennsylvania, to take charge of his 
congregation in Virginia. The people of the latter 
state were at this lime, with probably a single ex- 



GENERAL MUIILENEERG. 39 

ception, in advance of any of iheir fellow country- 
men in their devotion lo the cause of liberty; al- 
though many of the wealthy planters, the leaders of 
society, and who gave it its tone, were violently 
opposed lo any resistance to Great Britain, save 
that of protests and resolutions. The clergy too, 
almost unanimously sided with the mother country. 
Mr. Muhlenberg's position, therefore, was one of 
considerable ditliculty, especially as he was a 
stranger but lately come among them. As was his 
father, however, so he was, an ardent Whig, going 
in his ideas of resistance far beyond what was then 
deemed necessary or proper, and in accordance 
with these views lie acted. 

His peculiar position gave him great facilities for 
the quiet and gradual propagation of his principles. 
The German settlers in America have always been 
remarkable for the clannish spirit: which actuates 
their conduct, and at this period, when much pre- 
judice, although tTiost undeserved, still existed 
against them, it is but fair to conclude that this 
spirit had full sway. Thus the Germans of the 
Blue Ridge formed as it were a separate com- 
munity, having but little intercourse with their Eng- 
lish neighbours, and consequently inclined to take 



40 MK.MOIU OF 

their opinions from those among themselves, who 
from superior inielligence, or from position, were 
looked up to as leaders and guides. All who are 
acquainted with the German character, arc aware 
of the great respect paid by all classes to their 
spiritual directors. When to this was added the 
fiict that he was the son of the venerated " Father 
Muhlenberg," upon whom all of their nation and 
creed on this side of the Atlantic, looked in the light 
of a beloved parent, and was supposed to be an 
exponent of his opinions and wishes, we shall not 
be surprised at his having so rapidly acquired the 
influence which future ev^cnts showed him to pos- 
sess. 

Arriving among them in the fall of 1772, sufli- 
cient time was civen him before the breaking out 
of hostilities, to become very extensively acquainted 
throughout the whole Valley. His personal (luali- 
ties, too, were calculated in an eminent degree, to 
win the confidence and atVection of the people. 
AlVable and courteous in his manners, mild in his 
temper, full of charity for the faults of others — these 
qualities, with his prepossessing appearance, soon 
rendered his popularity in the Valley unbounded; 
whilst his fondness for liuntiii^ and skill with the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 41 

rifle produced the same eflect among the frontier- 
men. It must be confessed, however, that the soil 
on which he laboured was a kindly one. Retaining 
a vivid remembrance of the oppressions which they 
and their fathers had borne in their native country, 
the Germans of America were by no means dis- 
posed to exchange the liberty and self-government 
they enjoyed, the beneficial effects of which they 
had already experienced, for a recurrence to the 
old order of things. Sharing then in the feelings 
of their youthful pastor, they were prepared to sup- 
port and follow him enthusiastically. 

The German population of Virginia was large, 
and its conduct in the ensuing crisis became an im- 
portant element in the calculation of botli parties. 
As its leader, Mr. Muhlenberg corresponded exten- 
sively with the prominent Whigs of the Colony, 
with two of whom, Washington and Henry, he was 
on terms of personal intimacy. With the former 
he had frequently hunted deer among the moun- 
tains of his district, and it is said that fond as Wash- 
ington was of the rifle, and skilled in its use, on trial 
he found himself inferior to the Pennsylvanian. 
This friendship had afterwards much weight in de- 
4* 



42 MEMOIR OF 

termining Mr. Muhlenberg to enter the army under 
his comnnand. 

Discontent in Virginia had almost reached its 
acme, when the news of the passage of the Boston 
Port Bill in 1774, blew its smouldering embers into 
a bright flame, and the spirit of resistance stalked 
openly through the land. 

Although the movement was doubtless precon- 
certed throughout the state, Dunmore County was 
one of the first to step forward, and boldly proclaim 
its opinions in reference to the great questions then 
agitating the country. It also, by the appointment 
of a Committee of Safety, gave itself an organiza- 
tion distinct from that established by colonial autho- 
rity, and one which in case of necessity, could head 
the opposition to the royal power. Steps like these, 
taken as they were in almost every county in the 
state, went far to prepare men's minds for the greater 
changes which every day rendered more inevitable. 

The meeting which took these steps in Dunmore, 
was held at Woodstock, on the IGth of June,^ and 
as was to be expected, Mr. Muhlenberg's was the 
controlling spirit which governed its deliberations. 
For this conduct he was violently assailed by his 
brethren of the clergy throughout the state. 



GENEHAL MUHLENBERG. 43 

He was chosen moderator of the meeting, and 
afterwards as chairman of the Committee on Reso- 
lutions, reported a number highly appropriate to the 
occasion, and withal somewhat bolder than the tone 
of public opinion was then prepared entirely to 
sanction. As showing his opinions and language, 
the following extracts may not be unacceptable. 

" That we will pay due submission to such acts 
of government, as his Majesty has a right by law 
to exercise over his subjects, and to such only." 

" That it is the inherent right of British subjects 
to be governed and taxed by representatives chosen 
by themselves only, and that every act of the British 
Parliament respecting the internal policy of Ame- 
rica, is a dangerous and unconstitutional invasion 
of our rights and privileges." 

" That the enforcing the execution of the said 
act of Parliament by a military power, will have a 
necessary tendency to cause a civil war, thereby 
dissolving that union which has so long happily 
subsisted between the mother country and her colo- 
nies ; and that we will most heartily and unani- 
mously concur with our suffering brethren of Bos- 
ton, and every other part of North America, that 
may be the immediate victim of tyranny, in pro- 



44 MEMOIR OF 

moting all proper measures to avert such dreadful 
calamities, to procure a redress of our grievances, 
and to secure our common liberties." 

The other resolutions are those which were com- 
mon at that period, against importation from or ex- 
portation to Great Britain, against the East India 
Company, who arc called '* the servile tools of ar- 
bitrary power," and appointing a committee of 
safety and correspondence. The proceedings close 
by pledging themselves " to each other and to our 
country, that wc will inviolably adhere to the votes 
of this day." The Committee of Safety and Corre- 
spondence appointed for the county, consisted of 
the Rev. Peter Muhlenberg, chairman, Francis 
Slaughter, Abraham Bird, T. Beale, John Tipton, 
and Abraham Bowman, Esqrs., members. 

Shortly afterwards, " Peter Muhlenberg, Clej'k," 
and Jonathan Clarke, Esq., were elected members 
of the House of Burgesses,"^ and at the same time 
appointed delegates to the State Convention,' to be 
held at Williamsburg, on the 1st of August follow^- 
ing; the object of which was to take such further 
measures as the public safety might require, and 
more particularly to appoint deputies to the General 
Congress of the Colonies to be held at Philadelphia. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 45 

The proceedings of this Convention are too well 
known to require further notice here. Suffice it to 
state that considerable division of opinion existed, 
and in the resolutions which were adopted, the 
niodcrate party proved victorious. Tiiis gave much 
dissatisfaction to the bolder portions of the Whig 
party, and to none more so than to Mr. Muhlen- 
berg, who seems to have expected great results 
from the action of this Convention. He had, how- 
ever, with all the German delegates from, the Val- 
lev, warmly supported the views of Patrick Henry, 
whose master mind saw clearly that the time for 
half-way measures had passed away. The Con- 
vention adjourned, authorizing the President, Pey- 
ton Randolph, to reassemble it if necessary. 

In his disappointment at the result, Mr. Muhlen- 
berg resolved to withdraw himself from the arena 
of active politics, until such time at least when the 
rapid progress of events would force the adoption 
of bolder measures. This period he plainly fore- . 
saw, could not be far distant. Tiie following extract 
from a letter to his brother, dated Jan. 17, 1775, 
shows briefly his conduct, during the interval. 
" The times arc getting troublesome with us, and 
begin to wear a hostile appearance. Independent 



46 MKMOIR OF 

companies are forming in every county, and politics 
engross all conversation. I had thrown up my 
commission as chairman of the Committee of Cor- 
respondence, and of magistrate likewise; but last 
week we had a general election in the county for a 
Great Committee, according to the resolves of Con- 
gress, and I am again chosen chairman, so that, 
whether I choose or not, I am to be a polilician." 

He was right. The times were " getting trouble- 
some," and the hour and the day in which the first 
great blow was to be struck in Virginia, was 
rapidly approaching. It was time for the disap- 
pointed of the Williamsburg Convention to gird on 
their armour, and prepare themselves anew for the 
struggle. In this crisis Mr. Muhlenberg was not 
found wanting. 

The members of ^the Convention were again called 
together by their president, to assemble at Rich- 
mond on the 20th of March. Events had progressed 
rapidly since their separation, and the opinions of 
many had undergone considerable alteration. At 
the appointed time and place the Convention re- 
assembled ; but composed as it was of the same 
men who at Williamsburg had already committed 
themselves against any forcible opposition, the re- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 47 

suit Still remained doubtful. Two days were passed 
in fruitless discussion, and the bolder members 
began to be apprehensive that their meeting would 
be but a repetition of the Williamsburg session. 

Patrick Henry, however, the leader of this branch 
of the Convention, was determined that, if possible, 
the initiative steps should now be taken. He ac- 
cordingly moved his famous resolutions providing 
that the colony be immediately put into a state of 
defence. The motion was violently assailed by the 
moderates, and defended by Mr. Henry in a speech 
which will ever remain a model of true eloquence. 
Mr. Muhlenberg supported the resolutions most ar- 
dently, exerting all his influence in favour of their 
passage; and they received the votes of all the 
German delegates from the Valley, which in the 
equally divided state of the Convention, was suffi- 
cient to turn the scale. Finally, after a violent 
struggle, the resolutions were adopted. 

This was the turning point of the contest. The 
Convention had gone too far to recede, for the 
royal Governor, Lord Dunmore, proclaimed its 
proceedings to be treason. It was the commence- 
ment of the revolutionary conflict in Virginia ; the 
appeal was made to the sword, and by the sword 



48 MKMOIU OF 

it was to be decided. Henceforth there could be 
no turning back by any Whig from the course his 
party had adopted. All idea of reconciliation was 
at an end, and their only hope was success in the 
innpending struggle of arms. 

Shortly after the adjournment of the Convention, 
the removal of the powder from Williamsburg and 
the march of Henry at the head of a number of 
independent companies against that place occurred. 
These niovements resulted in the virtual abdication 
of Lord Dunmore; and some months later, two 
regiments, under the command of Colonels Henry 
and Woodford, were raised by the authority of the 
Convention, which reassembled at Richir>ond. The 
first actual conflict between the royalist and colonial 
forces occurred in the fall, at the Great Bridge, 
where tlie latter were commanded by Colonel 
Woodford; the reputation gained by whom in this 
action was afterwards the indirect cause of con- 
siderable trouble to the subject of this memoir. 

Durino; these movements Mr. Muhlenberg re- 
mained at home, preparing the minds of his people 
to take an active part in the conlcst now so near 
at hand. 

Although the two regiments already raised were 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 49 

sufficient for the struggle within the state against 
Lord Dunmore, yet now that the war had com- 
menced in earnest, it was soon found necessary to 
raise additional troops. Accordingly, in December, 
1775, a resolution to raise six additional regiments 
passed the House of Delegates, and that body im- 
mediately proceeded to the election of field officers. 
Mr. Muhlenberg was chosen colonel of the eighth 
regiment;^ his appointment to which, considering 
his supposed entire want of military knowledge, 
was a high compliment; for all the other colonels 
commissioned at that time were gentlemen who 
had seen service either in the British army or the 
French war. Colonel Patrick Henry and himself 
were the only civilians in the whole Virginia line 
to whom regiments were given; and what further 
enhances the value of the compliment is the fact 
that he was at this time but twenty-nine years of 
age. The firmness and determination of his con- 
duct throughout the prior part of the struggle had, 
however, convinced the members of the House that 
he possessed the necessary personal qualifications 
lor command; and his character gave sufficient 
guarantee that the technical part of his new pro- 
fession Vv'onid not bo lone; iinlf^nrnoil. Bp'^ides his 



50 MEMOIR OF 

popularity among the settlers of the Valley of the 
Blue Ridge was so great, that under no other leader 
could they be expected to come forward so willingly 
and with so much alacrity. His appointment was 
warmly pressed by General Washington and Patrick 
Henry, whose wishes naturally had great weight. 
Abraham Bowman and Peter Helfenstein, Esqrs., 
both from his immediate neighbourhood, were 
chosen lieutenant-colonel and major of his regi- 
ment. Both were of German extraction, and the 
former had served with him upon the county Com- 
mittee of Safety. 

He was immediately commissioned, and pro- 
ceeded to Dunmore to raise the regiment com- 
mitted to his charge. Upon this occasion a well- 
authenticated anecdote is told of him, which gives 
us a deep insight into the character of the man, and 
the feelings which induced him to abandon the altar 
for the sword. It shows of what sterling metal the 
patriots of olden time were formed. 

Upon his arrival at Woodstock, his difierent 
congregations, widely scattered along the frontier, 
were notified that upon the following Sabbath their 
beloved pastor would deliver his farewell sermon." 
Of this event numerous traditionary accounts are 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 51 

still preserved iti the vicinity in which it took place, 
all coinciding with the written evidence. The fact 
itself merits a pronainent place in this sketch, for in 
addition to the light it sheds upon the feelings 
which actuated the American people in the com- 
mencement of the revolutionary struggle, it also 
shows with what deep earnestness of purpose Mr. 
Muhlenberg entered upon his new career. 

The appointed day came. The rude country 
church was filled to overflowing with the hardy 
mountaineers of the frontier counties, among whom 
were collected one or more of the independent 
companies to which the forethought of the Con- 
vention had given birth. So great was the assem- 
blage, that the quiet burial-place was filled with 
crowds of stern, excited men, who had gathered 
together, believing that something, they knew not 
what, would be done in behalf of their suffering 
country. We may well imagine that the feelings 
which actuated the assembly were of no ordinary 
kind. The disturbances of the country, the gather- 
ings of armed men, the universal feeling that liberty 
or slavery for themselves and their children hung 
upon the decision the Colonies then made, and the 
decided step taken by their pastor, all aroused the 



52 



ML'MUIK OK 



patriotic enthusiasm of tlie vast multitude, and ren- 
dered it a magazine of fiery passion, which needed 
but a spark to burst into an all-consuming flame. 

In this spirit the people awaited the arrival of 
him whom they were now to hear for the last time. 
He came, and ascended the pulpit, his tall form 
arrayed in full uniform, over which his gown, the 
symbol of his holy calling, was thrown. He was 
a plain, straightforward speaker, v>hose native 
eloquence was well suited to the people among 
whom he laboured. At all times capable of com- 
manding the deepest attention, we may well con- 
ceive that upon this great occasion, when high, 
stern thoughts were burning for utterance, the 
peo])lc who heard him hung upon his fiery words 
with all the intensity of their souls. Of the 
matter of the sermon various accounts remain. 
All concur, howe\cr, in attributing to it great 
potency in arousing the military ardour of the 
people, and unite in describing its conclusion. After 
recapitulating, in words that aroused the coldest, 
the story of their sufferings and their wrongs, and 
lellinff them of the sacred character of the strusjgle 
in which he had unsheathed his sword, and for 
which he had left the altar he had vowed to serve. 



GENEKAt- MUHLENBERG. 53 

he said ''that, in ihc binguagc of" lioly writ, there 
was a time for all things, a time to preach and a 
time to pray, but those times had passed away;" 
and in a voice that re-echoed through the church 
like a trumpet-blast, "that there was a time to 

fight, and that time had now come!" — — — 

The sermon finished, he pronounced the benedic- 
tion. A breathless stillness brooded over the con- 
gregation. Deliberately putting off the gown, which 
had thus far covered his martial figure, he stood 
before them a girded warrior; and descending from 
the pulpit, ordered the drums at the church-door to 
beat for recruits. Then followed a scene to which 
even the American revolution, rich as it is in bright 
examples of the patriotic devotion of the people, 
affords no parallel. His audience, excited in the 
highest degree by the impassioned words which 
had fallen from his lips, flocked around him, eager 
to be ranked among his followers. Old men were 
seen bringing forward their children, wives their 
husbands, and widowed mothers their sons, sending 
them under his paternal care to fight the battles of 
their country. It must have been a noble sight, 
and the cause thus supported could not fail. 
Nearly three hundred men of the frontier churches 
5* 



54 MEMOlll OF 

that day enlisted under his banner; and the gown 
then thrown off was worn for the last time. Hence- 
forth his footsteps were destined for a new career. 

This event occurred about the middle of January, 
1776; and from that time until March, Colonel 
Muhlenberg seems to have been busily engaged in 
recruiting. After the great impulse already re- 
ceived, it is natural to suppose that his success was 
rapid ; and such accordingly we find to be the fact. 
It was probably the first of the Virginia regiments 
ready for servic^e, its ranks being full early in 
March. By the middle of that month he had al- 
ready reported this fact to the Governor, and re- 
ceived orders to proceed with his command to 
Suffolk. On the 21st the regiment commenced its 
march for that place. 

The necessity for stationing troops in this part of 
Virginia arose from the course which Lord Dun- 
more pursued. After having left the capital and 
taken refuge on board a ship of war, he had pro- 
claimed martial law, and promised freedom to all 
slaves who would desert their masters, and join his 
standard. By these means he had collected a 
considerable force, composed of Tories, runaway 
negroes, and the forces he was able to draw from 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 55 

his ships. With this motley command he continued 
committing ravages throughout all the waters of 
Eastern Virginia. 

After the destruction of Norfolk and his defeat at 
the Great Bridge, he took possession of Portsmouth, 
which being slightly fortified served as an entrenched 
camp for his land forces. The spirit of the inhabi- 
tants was by this time so much aroused, that the 
yeomanry and independent companies succeeded 
in keeping their opponents pretty well confined to 
their quarters, but they had still the command by 
sea, which combination of force rendered Lord 
Dunmore's position dangerous and extremely ha- 
rassing to the people of Virginia. As soon, there- 
fore, ns the regular regiments were fit to take the 
field, they v.'ere posted along the shores of the Bay, 
in such a manner as to closely confine the enemy 
to their position, and render it impossible for them 
to penetrate into the country. Colonel Muhlenberg's 
regiment being the first of the new levies ready for 
service was assigned the post of honour, and sta- 
tioned at Sufiblk, the nearest proper position towards 
Portsmouth. 

But more serious duties than repelling the pre- 
datorv incursions of so motlev a force as Lord 



56 MEMOIR OF 

Dunmore commanded were about falling to the lot 
of the Virginia line. A strong detachment of land 
troops, under the command of General Clinton, 
attended by a powerful naval force, had some time 
previously sailed from Boston, and iheir destination 
was generally supposed to be one of the Southern 
States. The attention of (/onsjress was therefore 
turned to this portion of the confederacy, and 
General Lee, who at this lime stood next to Wash- 
ington in the public estimation, was ordered to take 
command of the southern department. Setting out 
immediately upon the receipt of his orders, he ar- 
rived at Williamsburg on the 29th of March, where, 
after some conference with the Committee of Safety, 
he proceeded with the energy natural to his cha- 
racter, to make preparations for the defence of this 
portion of his command. 

His first object naturall\ was to take such vigor- 
ous measures against Lord Dunmore as would free 
him from this antagonist before the arrival of the 
more formidable one with whom he had been sent 
to contend. He accordingly visited Colonel Muh- 
lenberg's camp at Suffolk, where he remained some 
time taking such steps as circumstances rendered 
necessarv. Bv advice of the Committee of Safety, 



GENKUAL MUHLKNUEKG. 57 

then the chief exeeutive power in the state, all 
persons residing in the counties adjacent to Lord 
Dunmore's position, were obHged to remove with 
their effects beyond his reach, thus effectually crip- 
pling his resources. During this time, Colonel 
Muhlenberg was actively employed against the 
enemy, his regiment being stationed near Ports- 
mouth, protecting the removal of stores and pro- 
visions, in the course of which several slight 
skirmishes took place.*" 

Whilst General Lee was thus engaged in pro- 
viding for the safety of Virginia, despatches ar- 
rived from the government of North Carolina, 
stating that a fleet conveying three thousand land 
troops, under the command of Lord Cornwallis, iiad 
arrived off Cape Fear. Here they had been joined 
by General Clinton's armament, who, seeing little 
prospect of success in Virginia, had left Lord Dun- 
more, after a stay w-ith him of but a few days. 
This intelligence induced him immediately to repair 
to North Carolina, taking -with him Colonel Muh- 
lenberg's regiment." This selection from all the 
Virginia regiments was an undoubted compliment 
to the military talents of its commander, which had 
in so short a time brouirht an entire bodv of recruits 



58 



MEMOIR OF 



into a state of discipline and efficiency. Lee him- 
self said upon a subsequent occasion that " it was 
the strength and good condition of the regiment 
which induced me to order it out of its own pro- 
vince in preference to any other;" language which, 
coming from so severe and competent a judge as 
General Lee, was certainly a high compliment to 
a new and inexperienced officer. But he had pro- 
bably not forgotten the lessons he had learned in 
the strict school of German discipline. 

The regiment arrived at Wilmington, N. C., on 
the last of May. The British troops who had 
landed having been re-embarked, on the next day 
the fleet left Cape Fear River, steering for the 
southward. The general impression was that 
Charleston was their object. General Lee, how- 
ever, wrote on the above date to Mr. Pendleton, 
that although he did not see upon what ground this 
persuasion was founded, yet as South Carolina 
was weaker than Virginia, he had at a venture 
ordered Muhlenberc;'s re2;iment to Charleston im- 
mediately. Subsequent information, however, con- 
firmed the general opinion, and General Lee fol- 
lowing them, arrived at Charleston on the same 
day that the British fleet appeared oft* the harbour. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 59 

On the 23d of June" tlie regiment joined the 
army at Charleston, after a long and rapid march, 
having performed the distance from Suffolk to 
Charleston in less than a month. This reinforce- 
ment had been anxiously expected, and " its ar- 
rival," said Lee, " made us very strong." Having 
previously disembarked three thousand land troops 
on Long Island, on the 28th the British fleet ap- 
proached the harbour, and the next day the action 
took place. 

To give the reader a clear idea of the part 
which Colonel Muhlenberg's regiment took in 
this affair, it will be necessary to give a brief 
description of the position of the troops, and 
the nature of the ground upon which ihey ope- 
rated. The American army was posted on the 
main land at Haddrcl's Point, where it could pro- 
tect the city should the enemy's fleet succeed in 
passing the bar, and at the same time afford assis- 
tance to the forces on Sullivan's Island, which was 
separated from the main land by an arm of the sea 
easily passed. Beyond Sullivan's Island lay Long 
Island, upon which the British forces had been 
disembarked, the two divided only by a shallow 
piece of wnter, which was easily fordable at low 



60 MEMOIR OF 

tide. At the one extremity of Sullivan's Island, 
^ Fort Moultrie was placed to protect the harbour, 
its guns commanding the bar, which the enemy's 
fleet was obliged to pass; at the other, which was 
but a short distance from Long Island, Colonel 
/ Thompson, with the North Carolina troops, was 
stationed. 

The plan of the British commander was equally 
simple, although perhaps not so judicious. Had 
he received the fire of the fort without returning it, 
crossed the bar, and anchored his vessels in front 
of the city, as was subsequently done when General 
Lincoln was captured, and as General Lee ex- 
pected, the battle would have been fought on the 
main land, and in all probability the town would 
have fallen. But a diflerent course was adopted. 
It was decided that the fleet should bombard the 
fort, of the success of which attempt no doubt was 
entertained; whilst at the same time the British 
land forces should cross from Long to Sullivan's 
Island, and attack the fort in the rear, where it 
w^as almost defenceless. To prevent the success of 
any attempt of this natin'e, should it be made, 
General Lee had directed Colonel Thompson, with 
three pieces nf artillery, his own regiment, some 



GENEKAT, MUHLENBERG. 61 

rangers and militia, to take post on the eastern 
extremity of Sullivan's Island. 

The American commander, finding that the 
enemy did not pass the fort to attack the town, 
quickly perceived the importance of the struggle 
then taking place on the island. Colonel Muhlen- 
berg with his regiment was immediately despatched 
to reinforce Colonel Thompson: his regiment in all 
probability being chosen for this important ser- 
vice for the same reasons which induced the 
General to select it from all the Virginia troops to 
accompany him in his march to the southward. 

In the battle of Sullivan's Island, the fortune of 
the day was principally with the South Carolinians 
who held the fort, but the land troops at the other 
end of the island had an equally difficult task 
assigned them, which they performed equally well. 
At first, the enemy's land forces made no very 
vigorous efforts to effect tlieir passage from one 
island to the other, for they expected every moment 
to hear the destruction of the fort, when resistance 
would cease of itself But ns the firing grew 
warmer and warmer, they perceived the increasing 
necessity of making a land attack, and their efforts 
to effect thi^. became more earnest. The pass 

6 



62 MEMOIU OF 

was, however, gallantly defended, and although the 
Americans were far outnumbered, and that too 
by veteran troops, the enemy were destined to be 
equally unsuccessful by land as by sea. The with- 
drawal of the fleet was the signal for the cessation 
of the land attack, and on both elements victory 
perched upon the American standard. 

Although in the popular version of the battle 
almost the entire credit has been given to Moul- 
trie's South Carolinians, yet such was not the view 
taken by General Lee, who in his oflicial report 
gave at least equal praise to the troops who opposed 
the enemy's land forces. The following language 
is used in that paper :'^ "In the mean time, I tliink 
it justice to publish the merits of Colonel jNIoultric 
and his brave garrison ; and I know not which 
corps I have the greatest reason to be pleased 
with, Muhlenberg's Virginians or the North Caro- 
lina troops; they are both equally alert, zealous, 
and spirited." This was no mean praise of raw 
recruits, who had never before seen tire; and coming 
too from one of the greatest military spirits of the 
age, enhanced the value of the compliment. 

The same view was taken by Congress, who, on 
the receipt of the General's despatch, returned 



GENERAL MUIILENBEllG. 63 

tlieir thanks to General Lee, Colonels Moultrie 
and Thompson, and the troops commanded by 
the two latter. As Colonel Muhlenberg was second 
in command to Colonel Thompson, it is but right 
that he should here receive a part of the credit due 
to so gallant an action. 

The result of the attack upon Charleston, it is 
well known, was so disastrous to the enemy that 
their troops were re-embarked, and the fleet re- 
turned to New York. After holding his troops in 
readiness to march to Virginia should the fleet 
enter the Chesapeake, so soon as that danger was 
past, General Lee turned his thoughts to further 
operations in the South. 

During this time, an event of considerable per- 
sonal interest occurred to Colonel Muhlenberg. It 
was intimated to him that his regiment was not 
considered one of those on the Continental esta- 
blishment. This doubt was produced by the ambi- 
guity of the former resolution of Congress, which 
was probably caused by the disputes between 
Colonels Henry and Woodford •,^* the enemies of 
the former desiring that only six regiments, com- 
mencing with the third, should be accepted from 
Virginia. This would have excluded Colonel 



04 MEMOIR OF 

Henry, which was violently opposed by his friends, 
and in consequence of this dispute, the rank of the 
seventh and eighth Virginia regiments was not 
very definitely ascertained. The following lettei- 
from General Lee to Richard Peters, Esq., Sec- 
retary of the Board of War, in behalf of Colonel 
Muhlenberg, presents the subject in so clear a 
light, and is withal so complimentary to him and 
his corps, that no apology is necessary for its 
introduclion. 

"(Charleston, August i2d, 1776. 
" Dear Sik.: 

" Colonel Muhlenberg of the eighth battalion of 
Virginians has been made very uneasy by some 
letters he has lately received with respect to the 
rank of his regiment. These letters intimate that 
it never was the intention of Congress to consider 
the seventh, eighth, and ninth battalions of Vir- 
ginians on the Continental establishment until they 
were entirely complete. That his regiment never 
was entirely complete, and that, consequently, after 
having so long thought himself on the Continental 
establishment, and on this presumption having 
marched five hundred miles from his own pro- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 65 

vince, under the command of a Continental gene- 
ral, he at last finds himself only a provincial 
officer. 

" I have ventured to assure him and his officers, 
who are equally uneasy, that there must be some 
mistake in this affiiir; in fact, the hardship would 
be so great that I cannot believe their apprehen- 
sions are well founded. It was, if I remember 
right, notified in April by the Committee of Safety 
in Virginia, that they were then taken upon the 
Continental establishment, and, (though in this I 
may be mistaken,) without the proviso of their 
being complete. 

"It happened at this time, though not complete to 
a man, (for no regiment is ever complete to a man,) 
that Muhlenberg's regiment was not only the most 
complete of the province, but I believe of the whole 
continent. It was not only the most complete in 
numbers, but the best armed, clothed, and equipped 
for immediate service. I must repeat, I cannot 
conceive that it was ever the intention of Congress 
that the establishment should be filled to a man, but 
that they should be competent to service in or out 
of the province. In most services, when new levies 
are raised, one half of the proposed complement en- 
6* 



66 MEMOIR OF 

titles them to establishment. Muhlenberg's regi- 
ment wanted only forty at most. It was the strength 
and good condition of the regiment that induced mc 
to order it out of its own province in preference to 
any other. I certainly at that time considered them 
Continental troops, otherwise I could have had no 
authority to order them out of the province. 

"I must now submit to the consideration of Con- 
gress if it would not be really the greatest cruelty 
that their strength and good condition should be 
turned against them. It w-as their strength and 
good condition which carried them out of their 
province, where, had they remained and known that 
it was a necessary condition of their establishment 
to be complete to a man, they certainly could have 
accomplished it in three days. I do therefore most 
sincerely hope and persuade myself that Muhlen- 
berg's regiment will at least date their rank from 
the day I ordered them to march out of tiieir pro- 
vince. Not only justice, but policy requires it. for 
you will otherwise lose a most excellent regiment. 

*' I am, &c." 

This energetic remonstrance produced a change 
in the determination of Congress, if indeed any fixed 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 67 

determination had been made upon the subject. On 
the 13th of August, a resolution passed that body 
"that the eighth Virginia battalion be taken into pay 
from the 27th day of May last," thus putting to rest 
this annoying doubt. This was the day on which 
they had marched out of their own province, in 
accordance with General Lee's recommendation ; 
although strict justice would undoubtedly have re- 
quired that their rank should have dated from the 
time at which the regiment had marched out of the 
county in which it was raised. This corps, com- 
monly known as the "German regiment,"*^ con- 
tinued in service until the close of the war. It was 
one of the most distinguished in the army, and its 
excellent state of discipline deservedly gave its 
commander a high reputation as a skilful and ener- 
getic officer. Such must have been the character 
he gained in this, his first campaign, as evidently 
appears from the constant tone of praise in which 
he is spoken of by General Lee. Indeed Lee seems 
to have formed and continued a high opinion of 
him; for in the year 1782, when discussing the 
merits of the various general officers in a letter to 
his sister, he ranks General Muhlenberg in the same 
line with Schuyler, Sullivan, Wayne, Greene, and 
Knox.^" 



68 MEMOIR. OF 

As soon as it had been ascertained that the 
British fleet had proceeded directly to New York, 
after their repulse at Sullivan's Island, General Lee 
planned an excursion to Florida.'^ A post on the 
St. Mary's River had been established by some 
British officer, who had there collected a numerous 
body of Tories, negroes, and Indians, with whom 
he was in the habit of ravaging the frontiers of 
Georgia. To destroy this post, and strike terror 
into the Florida Indians, were the objects General 
Lee proposed to gain by this expedition. Accord- 
ingly, in July, Colonel Muhlenberg with his regi- 
ment and a detachment of North Carolina troops, 
were sent forward to Savannah. Colonel Moultrie 
says that these troops were marched off in the 
utmost haste, without one necessary article, without 
artillery, and without even a medicine chest. A 
few weeks subsequently they were followed by 
Generals Lee and Howe, and Colonel Moultrie, 
with a considerable body of South Carolina troops. 

The expedition was destined for the attack 
of St. Augustine, but much delay unavoidably 
took place in making the necessary preparations. 
Just as these difficulties were about being sur- 
mounted, an express arrived in the early part of 
September, directing General Lee immediately to 



GENEKAL MUHLENBERG. 09 

join the main army at the North. This of course 
put an end to the Florida expedition. General 
Lee left, directing Colonel Muhlenberg's regi- 
ment and the North Carolinians to follow. They 
had been nearly two months in Savannah, at the 
most sickly season of the year, and disease had 
made dreadful havoc in their ranks. The Vir- 
ginians especially, accustomed to the pure air ol' 
the mountains of the northern part of their state, 
suffered severely.'^ Major Helfenstein, an excel- 
lent officer, died immediately after his return to 
Virginia, and Colonel Muhlenberg himself con- 
tracted a disease which ultimately proved fatal. 

In accordance with General Lee's orders, a part 
of the regiment commenced its march for the North, 
the remainder awaiting further orders. From the 
enfeebled condition of the men, their progress was 
necessarily slow, and the regiment did not arrive 
in Virginia until the 20th of December, under which 
date Colonel Muhlenberg writes to his father " that 
they have just returned from their arduous cam- 
paign; that his regiment has suffered much from 
sickness; and that as soon as properly recruitied, he 
had orders to march to Philadelphia." 



MEMOIII OF 



CHAPTER in. 

Recruiting in Virginia — Promoted to tlic Rank of Brigadier- 
General — Letter to General Washington — Duties assigned him 
in Virginia — Appointed to a Brigade — Arrives at Head-Quar- 
ters — Movements in Jersey — The Army marches to Philadel- 
phia — Uncertainty as to tlic Enemy's ^Movements — Council of 
War — Strength of his Brigade — March tlirough Philadelpliia — 
General Orders there issued — Reasons for giving Battle — Gene- 
ral Washington's Appeal to the Armj- — Its loose Discipline — 
Movements of tlie two Armies — Battle of Braudywinc — Dis- 
position of the Americans — Rout of the Right Wing — Extra- 
ordinary March of the Reserve — Gallant Conduct of Muhlen- 
berg's and Wcedon's Brigades — Pursuit of the Enemy checked 
— Retreating Army saved — Reasons for not being mentioned 
in the Despatch — Fall of Philadelpliia. 

Arduous as this campaign had been, the times 
were not such as to allow much respite to any 
oflicer. The earlier part of the campaign of 1770 
had resulted most disastrously for the American 
arms, although the loss of the battle of Long Island 
and the miserable blunder of retainiuii Fort Wash- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 71 

ington had been in some measure compensated by 
the battles of Princeton and Trenton. Still the 
latter actions had not inflicted any material loss 
upon the enemy, although in so far as they had 
destroyed the prevalent idea of British invincibility, 
they had been useful in raising the spirits of the 
people, and rendering the war more popular. Never- 
theless, the army of General Washington needed all 
the reinforcements which could be raised, in order 
to meet the great exertions the enemy were making 
for the next campaign. 

Accordingly we find Colonel Muhlenberg busily 
engaged in Virginia filling the gaps made in his 
ranks by sickness during the last campaign. On 
the 21st of January, a resolve passed Congress 
directing him to recall that portion of his regiment 
still in the South, and recruiting both as rapidly as 
possible, to march each company as soon as filled 
to General Washington's camp.^" 

Whilst engaged upon this service, he was on the 
21st of February promoted by Congress to the rank 
of brigadier-general,^" a step fully earned by his 
conduct in the southern campaign. The gentlemen 
promoted were chosen by ballot, leaving their rank 
with recjard to each other to be afterwards settled. 



72 MEMOIR OF 

When this was done, an attempt was made to date 
the commission of General Woodford — who at this 
time iield no rank in the army — as though he had 
never resigned his commission of colonel. The 
attempt, however, failed for the present, and Gene- 
ral Muhlenberg was accordingly commissioned as 
senior brigadier of the Virginia line, ranking in the 
army list immediately after General Wayne, who 
was promoted at the same time. 

On the 23d, whilst still ignorant of his promotion, 
he addressed the following letter-' to General Wash- 
ington, which is interesting as showing the terrible 
eflects of southern climate upon northern troops. 

"Winchester, Feb. 23, 1777. 
" Sir, 

"The honourable the Continental Congress passed 
a resolve on the 21st of last month, ordering that 
part of my regiment which was still to the south- 
ward to return to Virginia, and that all the com- 
panies belonging to the regiment should be recruited 
to their full complement of men, and march to camp 
as soon as complete. The detachment from the 
southward arrived here this week in a shattered 
condition, havins; onlv seventy men fit for duty: 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 73 

SO that it will be almost impossible to march the 
men so soon as I could wish, if the companies are 
to be wholly complete. I have a sufficient number 
of recruits to fill up the first three companies be- 
longing to the regiment, and hope to march them 
in about ten days. 

"We have been much retarded in the recruiting 
service for want of ofiicers, as there are at present 
twelve or fourteen vacancies in the regiment. I 
have applied to the Governor and Council of this 
State, as well as to General Lewis, to know in what 
manner the vacancies should be filled, but was told 
they were entirely unacquainted wiih the matter. 
Colonel Gresson advised me to apply to your Ex- 
cellency and send a recommendation, which I have 
accordingly done. 

"There is at present one entire company wanting 
in my regiment, in the room of Captain Stinson's, 
from Pittsburg, whose time of enlistment expired in 
September last. Mr. Swain, who waits on your 
Excellency with this letter, has served as adjutant 
of my regiment since it was raised. He bears the 
character of a good officer, and would willingly 
undertake to raise this company with your Excel- 
lency's approbation. 

7 



74 MEMOIR OF 

" I must trouble your Excellency with another 
petition in behalf of my regiment. The whole regi- 
ment consists at present of riflemen; and the cam- 
paign we made to the southward last summer fully 
convinced me that on a march, where soldiers are 
without tents, and their arms continually exposed 
to the weather, rifles are of little use. I would 
therefore request your Excellency to convert my 
regiment into musketry. 

" Your Excellency's 
" Most obedient, humble servant, 

" P. MUHLENBEUG." 

In reply to this modest letter, General Muhlen- 
berg received the unexpected news of his promotion. 
His attention was now required to a wider circle of 
duties, and he was accordingly directed to take 
charge of all the Continental troops of the Virginia 
line then in that state. He was urged in the most 
pressing manner to hasten the completion of the 
various regiments, and order them to join the main 
army as rapidly as possible, "much, very much de- 
pending," in the language of the letter, "on its being 
reinforced immediately." His other requests rela- 
tive to his late regiment were complied with, and 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 75 

he wns required to name a sufticient number of 
gentlemen to fill vacancies, to whom commissions 
would be given on their joining the army.^^ 

He was also desired to report himself at head- 
quarters as soon as possible, there being an insuf- 
ficient number of general officers then with the 
main army. This, however, he was unable to do 
immediately, owing to the mass of business entailed 
upon him by his new rank. Since the death of 
General Mercer, the Virginia line had been without 
any brigadier, except one,^" who was on the point 
of resifTnincr; and havinc;: no active commander, 
considerable disorder and confusion had crept into 
many of the regiments. This General Muhlenberg 
was obliged to rectify, and to put the general re- 
cruiting service in the state on a proper footing, 
before he could with any propriety join the army. 

In April, 1777, he was assigned the first, fifth, 
ninth, and thirteenth regiments of the Virginia line 
to compose his brigade, with orders to collect, equip, 
and put them in a situation to take the field as 
rapidly as possible. This duty again detained him 
in Virginia, their dispersed state requiring his in- 
stant attention. By making great efl^brts, how- 
ever, he succeeded in concentrating, equipping, 



76 MEMOIIi OF 

and marching them otl' in a very short time; and 
early in May he himself left for head-quarters, then 
at Morristown in New Jersey. 

Upon his arrival, however, he found that the 
army had withdrawn from its former position to 
the heights of Middlcbrook, where it had strongly 
entrenched itself in a species of fortified camp. 
This was rendered unavoidable by the numerical 
inferiority of the American forces, and the necessity 
of keeping possession of the northern part of the 
state, in order to protect Philadelphia and the 
Delaware. 

He took command of his brigade at Middlebrook 
on the 26th of May, arriving just in time for the 
opening of the campaign. In the organization of 
the army, his brigade and that of Weedon com- 
posed the division of General Greene,^^ a corps 
which, in the ensuing operations, proved itself to be 
one of the best in the field. Both brigades were 
composed entirely of Virginians, and the gallant 
manner in which they acquitted themselves in situa- 
tions of peculiar responsibility at Brandywine and 
Germantown, showed that the confidence placed in 
them by the Commander-in-chief was not unde- 
served. Earlv ill June, the German regiment, now 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 77 

under Colonel the Baron de Arendt, having fully 
completed its numbers, arrived at Middlebrook, and 
was assigned to the command of its former Colonel. 
His brigade was now complete. 

The enemy were at this time about commencing 
serious operations, and well it was for the cause of 
America that the delay of arrivals from England 
had postponed the opening of hostilities. The Con- 
tinental forces, extremely weak at the close of the 
winter, had been heavily reinforced, and although 
still numerically inferior, could now cope with their 
adversaries with some prospect of success. In the 
early part of the month, Howe moved with the 
greater part of his force to Brunswick, intending 
to strike at the American army if possible, and at 
all events to take possession of Philadelphia. Wash- 
ington, however, divined his intention ; a council of 
war, composed of all the general officers present, 
was held, and it was resolved to maintain the 
heights of Middlebrook. This position was so 
strong, that the risk of attacking his opponents in 
their entrenchments was too great for the cautious 
policy of Howe, and on the other hand it was im- 
possible to march to Philadelphia, leaving this army 
to operate upon his rear. Some skilful manoeuvring 
7* 



78 MKMOIK OF 

took place, l)iit the Americans persisted in retaining 
possession ot" the licights of Middlebrook, ready to 
engage upon that ground but no other. General 
Howe, finding all attempts vain to bring on an 
action with them upon more favourable ground, 
commenced a retrograde movement to Brunswick. 
llpcni this, General Greene, with three chosen bri- 
gades, of which Muhlenberg's, forming the van- 
guard,*^'' was one, was detached to harass the 
enemy's rear. He performed this duty with his 
usual skill, his troops behaving with the utmost 
gallantry ; but except some trifling skirmishes, in 
which nothing material was gained by either party, 
no results were obtained. To protect Greene's ad- 
vance, Washington moved the main army to Quib- 
blctown, seven miles in front of Middlebrook. 

Upon perceiving this, General Howe made a 
skilful attempt to turn his enemy's flank, and pre- 
vent a retreat to his fortified position. Cornwallis, 
with a strong corps, was ordered to make a detour 
to the right, and endeavour to take possession of the 
heights of Middlebrook, whilst another column, led 
by Howe in person, should turn their left flank. For- 
tiniately this able movement was detected in sufii- 
cicnt time to frustrate it, and the Americans re- 



GENERAI- MUIILICNHERG. 79 

gained their camp with but trifling loss, General 
Greene's command forming the rearguard. 

General Howe finding it impossible to reach Phi- 
ladelphia through the Jerseys, now determined to 
make use of his naval superiority to effect that 
object. He accordingly commenced the embarka- 
tion of a very large portion of his force, keeping 
their destination a profound secret. The formida- 
ble movement of Burgoyne tended still further to 
perplex the American commander. Supposing that 
it was his adversary's intention to form a junction 
with the northern army, he detached Sullivan's 
division to Pompton Plains, and advanced the main 
army to Morristown, thus taking a position some- 
what nearer the North River and yet protecting 
Philadelphia. But fearing a similar movement to 
that which produced the retreat from Quibbletown, 
Muhlenberg's brigade, one of the strongest in the 
army, formed the rearguard, with orders to return to 
Middlebrook upon the first hostile movement against 
that place, and hold the heights until reinforced."" 

During these operations but little opportunity of 
distinction was afforded General Muhlenberg. He 
remained with the main army, fulfilling the duties 
of his station, and taking great pains to bring his 



80 MEMOIR OF 

brigade to thai perfect state of discipline which 
enabled it afterwards to distinguish itself so highly. 
Although senior brigadier of the Virginia line, he 
was not so fortunate as Wayne, the senior brigadier 
of the Pennsylvanians, who, owing to the scarcity 
of general officers from that state, generally com- 
manded a division, which, of course, placed him 
more prominently before the public eye. 

In July the embarkation of the British troops was 
completed, and their fleet fell slowly down the bay. 
Their final destination was with good reason sup- 
posed to be Philadelphia, and the army was ordered 
to move by divisions towards the Delaware, in order 
to be ready to act as circumstances might require. 
Upon this march, as generally, Washington remain- 
ed with Greene's division, which, from its strength 
and fine condition, he seems to have looked upon 
somewhat in the light of a reserve. A writer in 
the Pennsylvania Packet thus describes their march 
on Sunday the 28th : " I saw on their full march, 
seven miles from Morristown, on the road to the 
Delaware, General Washington, General Muhlen- 
berg, and General Weedon, with four thousand 
men, and General Knox with his train of artillery, 
consisting of tourteen field pieces and one howitzer," 



GENERAL MUHLENHEUG. 81 

then, no doubt, deemed a magnificent sight. At 
this time General Greene was absent for a few 
days, and the command had devolved upon General 
Muhlenberg. 

The army now remained some time in the vici- 
nity of Philadelphia, awaiting further developments 
as to the movements of the enemy. These were 
highly contradictory. On the SOtli of July the fleet 
had been seen off the capes of Delaware, when all 
doubts as to their destination were supposed to be 
at an end, and the army was concentrated for the 
defence of Philadelphia. The day following, how- 
ever, they sailed out of the bay, and were not seen 
again until the 7th of the next month, when they 
reappeared off the capes steering for the southward. 
Here all traces of them were lost. 

In this state of doubt, a council of general offi- 
cers"'' was held on the 21st of August, before whom 
the Commander-in-chief laid all the above facts, 
and required their opinion as to the point for which 
the enemy were destined; whether it would be 
advisable for the army to follow ihcm; and if not, 
whether they should remain in their present posi- 
tion, or move towards the North River. After 



82 



MEMOIK, OF 



mature dcliberalion, the council decided that the 
point of attack was Charleston ; that it would be 
improper for the army to follow them, as it could 
not arrive in time to be of any service, and that 
consequently it would be advisable to move imme- 
diately to the Hudson. Accordingly orders were 
issued that Greene's division should march the next 
day to Coryell's Ferry; but this step was prevented 
by news of the British fleet, which had entered and 
was proceeding up the Chesapeake. The army 
was immediately put in motion to oppose this new 
attempt on Philadelphia. 

Muhlenberg's brigade was at this time, as appears 
from his orderly book, about two thousand strong, 
well equipped, and from the pains taken we may 
presume in a high state of discipline. For these 
reasons it was probably selected as the vanguard 
of the army in its march through Philadelphia. 

This step was taken for the sake of encouraging 
the citizens of that place by a view of the whole 
American army in its best attire. This certainly 
did not contrast very well with the perfect equip- 
ments of the enemy, but great pains were taken by 
General Washington to make the show as imposing 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 83 

as possible. The general orders issued previous to 
the march are highly amusing, so much so that the 
following extract^^ may not be unentertaining. 

" It is strongly and earnestly enjoined upon the 
commanding officers of regiments to make all their 
men who are able to bear arms, except the neces- 
sary guards, to march in their ranks; for it is so 
great a reflection upon all order and discipline to 
see such a number of strollers (for they cannot be 
called guards) with the wagons, that it is really 
shocking. The army is to march in one column 
through the city of Philadelphia, going in and 
marching down Front Street to Chestnut, and up 
Chestnut to the commons. A small halt is to be 
made about a mile this side of the city, till the rear 
closes up and the line is in proper order. The divi- 
sions will march as follows: Greene's, Stephen's, 
Lincoln's, and Lord Sterling's ; the horse to be 
divided upon the two wings, Bland's and Baylor's 
regiments upon the right, Sheldon's and Mailand's 
upon the left. The following order of march is to 
be observed : first, 1 subaltern, and 12 light horse; 
200 guards; in their rear a complete troop; 200 
yards in rear of the troop, the residue of Bland's and 
Baylor's regiments ; 100 yards in the rear of these. 



84 MEMOIR OF 

a company of pioneers, with their axes in proper 
order; 100 yards in the rear of the pioneers, a regi- 
ment from Muhlenberg's brigade; and close in the 
rear of that regiment, all Muhlenberg's artillery; 
then his brigade, followed by Wccdon's, Woodford's, 
and Scott's, in order, with all their field artillery in 
their respective fronts, parks of artillery and the 
artificers belonging thereto in the centre; Lincoln's 
and Lord Sterling's divisions following, with all 
their brigade artillery in the rear of their respective 
brigades. A regiment from Lord Sterling's divi- 
sion for a rearguard, with Sheldon's and Mailand's 
light horse 150 yards in rear of this regiment, and 
one troop 150 yards in rear of the horse. 

" The whole is to march by subdivisions at half 
distance, the ranks six paces asunder, which is to 
be exactly observed in passing through the city, 
and great attention given by the olilcers to see that 
the men carry their arms well, and are made to 
appear as decent as circumstances will admit. It 
is expected that each oilicer, without exception, will 
keep his post in passing through the city, and under 
no pretence whatsoever leave it; and if any soldier 
shall dare quit his ranks, he shall receive thirty-nine 
lashes at the next halting-place afterwards. 



OKNKRAL MUHLKNUriJC. 85 

" The Held oiliccr of the day will prevent any of 
ihc men who are allotted to attend tlic wagons from 
shpping into the (Mty. As the Ijaggago will be but 
a little while separated froiii the column, very lew 
men will be suHicient to guard it, and the General 
wishes to have as many olthem as arc; able to ap- 
pear in the ranks, in the line of march. 

" The drums and files of each brigade are to be 
collected in the c;entrc of it, and a time for the 
(juick step played, but with such moderation, that 
the rmen may step to it with ease, without dancing 
along or totally disregarding the music, which has 
been loo often the case, 'f'he men are to be ex- 
cused from carrying iheir ('am|)-kcttles to-morrow." 

This spectacle being over, the army pursued its 
march to the field of Brandywinc. Public opinion 
required lliat a battle should be fought for the pre- 
servation of Philadelphia, the capital of the States, 
and although the condition of General Washington's 
army was scarcely such as to enable him to cope 
upon ef|ual terms with his enemy, still it would have 
been highly injurious to the jjublic cause to have 
allowed Philadelpliia to fall without striking a blow 
in its defence. The discipline, too, of the American 
armv had improved considerably sinc(^ the cam- 
s 



86 MEMOIR OF 

paign of the year previous, and although many por- 
tions were still very raw troops, yet the winter 
encampment at Morristown had given all divisions 
of the army the facility of moving in large masses, 
and in a greater or less degree the elementary 
principles of military education. The battle we 
are about approaching then, may be called the first 
contested field between the two armies, for at Long 
Island the greater portion of the American troops 
broke and ran at the first sight of the enemy, and 
Trenton and Princeton, although highly skilful 
achievements under the circumstances, were after 
all mere surprises, an army against an advanced 
post. 

The American army was supposed to be stronger 
and in better condition than it really was, and hence 
considerable expectations of success were enter- 
tained. So much being at stake, the Commander- 
in-chief having determined to risk a battle, endea- 
voured by every means in his power to excite the 
spirit of the soldiery and produce an enthusiasm 
among the men, such as in later times carried 
worse troops from victory to victory. With this 
object, the general orders of September 5th, con- 
tained a powerful appeal to the army. After stating 



GENEUAL MUHLENBEUU. H7 

the object of the enemy to be the capture of Phila- 
(Jelphia, and reminding the troops of the recent 
failure of the same enterprise in Jersey, the General 
goes on to say, that " he trusts they will be again 
disappointed. Should they put their designs against 
Philadelphia on this route, their all is at stake. 
They will put the contest on the event of a single 
battle, and if they are overthrown, they are totally 
undone, and the war is at an end. Now then is the 
time for our most strenuous exertions ; one bold 
stroke will free the land from rapine, devastation, 
and burning, and female innocence from brutal lust 
and violence." He then proceeds to recapitulate 
the successes of our arms in the north, and appeals 
to the emulation of the army under his immediate 
command in the following language : " Who can 
forbear to emulate their noble example 1 Who is 
without ambition to share with them the applause 
of their countrymen, and of all posterity, as the 
defenders of their country and the procurers of 
peace and happiness to unborn millions in the pre- 
sent and future generations? Two years we have 
maintained the war, and struggled with difficulties 
innumerable, but the prospect has since brightened, 
and our affairs put on a better face. Now is the 



88 MtMoiii or 

time to reap the iVuits of all our toils and dangers ; 
if we behave like men, this third campaign will be 
our last. Ours is the main army, and to us our 
country looks up for protection. The eyes of all 
America and all Europe are turned upon us, as 
upon those by whom the event of the war is to bo 
determined; and the General assures his countrymen 
and fellow-soldiers that he believes the critical, the 
important moment is at hand, which demands their 
most spirited exertions in the field. Glory waits to 
crown the brave ; peace, freedom, and happiness 
will be the reward of victory. Animated by moiives 
like these, soldiers fighting in the cause of inno- 
cence, humanity, and justice, never will give way, 
but with undaunted resolution press on to conquest ; 
and this the General assures himself is the part the 
American forces now in arms will act, and thus 
acting he will assure them success." 

This finely written appeal no doubt produced 
some elfcct, but the morale of the rank and file of 
the army does not seem to have been at that time 
of the highest order. The next day the Comman- 
der-in-chief reiterates his orders against plundering 
the inhabitants, in the severest terms; and orders 
that if anv one shall be found so lost to all sense of 



GENEilAL MUlILENCEilG. 89 

honour as to run away in the approaching engage- 
ment, he shall be immediately shot. On the same 
day, in the brigade orders of General Muhlenberg, 
"The General notices with regret that for some 
days past many soldiers are in the habit of getting 
drunk regularly at least once a day, thereby ren- 
dering themselves unfit for duty at the present cri- 
sis," and denounces the most severe punishment to 
similar offienders. 

On the 25th of August the British fleet arrived at 
the head of Elk, and the disembarkation of their 
troops was commenced. The day previous, the 
American forces had marched through Philadelphia 
on their way to meet the enemy. The enemy's 
landing must have been conducted with the utmost 
deliberation ; at all events, Sir William Howe was 
not ready to move from the head of Elk until the 
American troops had selected their position. On 
the 5th of September, General Washington's head- 
quarters were at Wilmington, and on the 7th, the 
main body of the army was encamped on the east 
side of Red Clay Creek, with the divisions of Gene- 
rals Greene and Stephen advanced to the banks of 
the White Clay Creek, but a few miles removed 
from the British army at the head of Elk. The 
8* 



DO MEMOIR OF 

Strength of the kilter was lull eighteen thousand 
men, in the highest state of discipHnc, and amply 
provided with all necessary equipment and material. 
The former was estimated at fifteen thousand, but 
including militia, did not parade on the day of battle 
more than eleven thousand efiectivcs, and those by 
no means so well armed and equipped as their ad- 
versaries. The two armies now stood facing each 
other, and the great game, in which the lives of men 
were the pawns and the fate of a nation the stake, 
was about commencing. 

On the 7th, the enemy moved in two colunnis 
from Elkton, and after some skirmishing with Ge- 
neral Maxwell, who commanded the American 
light infantry, united at Newark. The divisions of 
Greene and Stephen were then recalled, and the 
whole American army, except the light infantry, 
concentrated on the right bank of Red Clay Creek, 
where General Washington determined to give 
battle. Sir William Howe, not liking the ground,, 
again advanced in two columns, one making a feint 
of attacking the Americans in front, whilst the other 
extended its left up the creek, and manoeuvred to 
turn their opponents' right flank. To avoid this. 
General Washington, early on the night of the 



Gli;NERAL MUULKNBEKG. 01 

lOlh, changed his ground, and with his whole 
army took post behind the Brandywine at Chadd's 
Ford. The sanie evening the enemy moved to Ken- 
net Square, about six miles from the American 
position. Nothing now prevented the engagement 
which IIowc sought, and Washington did not de- 
cline, for a victory only would save Philadelphia. 

On the morning of the 11th, the American troops 
were posted in the following order. The main 
body, consisting of Wayne's, Muhlenberg's, and 
Weedon's brigades, were stationed at Chadd's 
Ford ; Wayne, with Proctor's artillery, occupying 
a slightly entrenched eminence immediately above 
the ford, whilst Greene's division took post further 
in the rear, on the heights. The right wing, com- 
posed of Sullivan's, Stephen's, and Sterling's divi- 
sions, extended some distance up the river, with 
orders to prevent any passage of the fords. These 
occurred in the following order : Brinton's, Jones's, 
Wistar's, Buffington's, and Jeffries's; the two latter 
being above the forks of the creek. The Pennsyl- 
vania militia composed the left wing, and were to 
guard the lower fords. Maxwell's light infantry 
occupied some heights on the left bank of the river, 



92 MEMOIR OF 

at Cliadd's Ford, and formed a part of the main 
body, with Avhich Washington remained in person. 
The enemy left Kennet S(iuare in two columns, 
one under Lieutcnant-Gencral Knyphausen, and the 
other under Lord Cornwallis. The American army 
was destined again to be defeated by the familiar 
artifice of amusing the front whilst the other column, 
turning the flank, gained their rear. But General 
Washin-Tton cannot be blamed for not foreseeincr 
this movement. No one could suppose that so ex- 
perienced an officer as Sir William Howe would 
commit the terrible error of separating the two 
wings of his army seventeen miles asunder, thus 
giving his enemy the opportunity of overwhelming 
each in succession whilst unsupported. But the 
magnitude of the blunder saved him from its effects; 
for Washington, not believing that the second co- 
lumn could be out of supporting distance, hesitated 
to attack the small command of Knyphausen, and 
the enemy were permitted to make their dispositions 
unmolested. The first column under Knyphausen 
advanced upon Chadd's Ford, and driving Maxwell 
across the stream, made preparations to cross; 
whilst CornvvaUis, after making a circuit of seven- 



GENEllAL MUHLENBERG. *J'S 

icen miles, passed the stream at Jeflries's Ford, whicli 
Sullivan had left unguarded, and even unobserved. 
Whether Sullivan was blameable or not,"^ and why 
no information of the march of a column thirteen 
thousand strong could be obtained by the Com- 
mander-in-chief, are questions not here to be dis- 
cussed. The writer's object is to trace the conduct 
of the subject of this memoir, and introduce only 
such matter as is necessary to its full comprehen- 
sion. 

When it became certain that (,'ornwallis had 
gained the American rear, and that iiis force was 
drawn up in order of battle on the heights behind 
the Birmingham meeting-house, Washington issued 
his orders with great energy and rapidity. Two 
principal objects were to be obtained, — to check 
the advance of Cornwallis, and prevent the passage 
of Chadd's Ford by Knyphausen. To effect these, 
Wayne was left at the ford, the whole right wing 
ordered off to oppose Cornwallis, with directions 
for each brigade to attack as soon as it came upon 
the ground, and Greene, with the brigades of Muh- 
lenberg and Weedon acting as a reserve, was halted 
in Wayne's rear, in such a situation that he could 
readily assist either of the parties engaged. 



04 MEMOIR OF 

The right wing had advanced rapidly to their 
designated position, but owing to some delay in 
forming, originating in a fooHsh dispute as to the 
post of honour,^" they were attacked before they 
had completed their formation. At the ford, as 
soon as Knyphausen knew from the heavy firing 
that Cornwallis was engaged, he attempted to cross 
the stream in earnest. Wayne opposed this move- 
ment with his usual vigour ; and Greene was pre- 
paring to assist him, when an order arrived from 
Washington, who was with the right wing, direct- 
ing him to move forward immediately to the sup- 
port of that portion of the army, then most sorely 
pressed. Greene instantly obeyed, and his division 
was put in motion with such an impetus, that al- 
though the distance was over four miles, it is esta- 
blished on the best authority that it was performed 
in forty minutes,^* the men moving on a trot, and 
with an ardour that scarcely admitted of the pre- 
servation of order. Such a march is almost un- 
paralleled. 

In the course of the day, Washington had pointed 
out to Greene a second position which it would be 
advisable to occupy, should the event prove unfor- 
tunate to the American arms. It was about a mile 



(;k.ni;rai, Minii.iONiiiuui. !)5 

from the Birmingham mccting-honse, on the road 
to Dilworth, ill ;i narrow (loHic, llankiMl on hoth 
sides by woods, and porleclly coniinandiii;!; the 
road.''" On this spot ('(•Inm^i I'iiicknc^-, an aid of 
the Connnnnder-in-chier, met (!rcu;ne witii ordiMs to 
occupy the position and prelect the retreat of the 
army. This was higidy ni'f.essarv, lor tiie right 
wing had been eomplelely roiid-d, and was in lull 
Ihghl. 

JN'ow was proved the vahi(! of the high slate of 
disciidine to which these troops had been brought 
by lUc. unceasing exertions of their commanders. 
Ifpon them hung the fait! of \\\c ;\v\\\\ and the 
nation; loi" unless llu'v (dieckc;d the victorious ad- 
vance ol" tiie enem_v, die di^fcat would have proved 
(k'slruction. But nobl\'did llu^se bra\c; men riMJeem 
the trust coulided to llieiii. Almost overcome as 
they were by their rapid and (exhausting march, 
the\' hesitated not a moment. Wt'cdon's bri<rade 
was drawn up in tlu' ddlle, to aH'ord a protecting 
point, btihind vvhitdi the scattiU'ed jiarlites ol" Ame- 
ricans might rally, whilst INIuldcnberg's, with which 
was (Irceiic in person, passed on to WeiMJon's riglit, 
and met the enemy at the road. Charging them 
gaHantly, they drove bacd; the hostile (U)lumns, who 



r 



90 MEMOIR OF 

were advancing (lushed with viclory, and counting 
securely on the total destruction of the rebel army. 
The contest here was terrilic. The troops were 
engaged at the point of the bayonet, and ciiarge 
followed charge with the utmost desperation."^ This 
single brigade resisted the attack of Lord Corn- 
wallis's whole command; and although opposed by 
the guards, grenadiers, light infantry, and some^ 
chosen regiments of Hessians, they firmly main- 
tained their position. The conduct of General 
Muhlenberg at this crisis was such as to win him 
the admiration and esteem of the whole army. 
Conspicuous at the head of his men, he braved 
every danger, leading the charges upon the enemy, 
and approaching so close as to be personally recog- 
nised by them. Me had his orders to maintain the 
post, and would have yielded it only with his life. 

This desperate resistance eftectually stopped the 
progress of the British army, and allowed time for 
our broken troops to retreat. On the left, the enemy 
had mei with the same determined opposition from 
Weedon's brigade, which retained its position until 
fairly overwhelmed by numbers, when it retreated 
in good order under the protection of Muhlenberg's 
command, w^hi(;h was the last to (|iiit ihc field. 



GENERAL M UII LENDEIU;. 97 

" Botli brigades," says the author of the Life of 
Greene, "here exhibited that firmness and precision 
of movenacnt wiiich drew forth the admiration of 
the enemy, whilst it checked their advance in the 
career of victory."^* Upon their retreat they also 
succeeded in extricating General Wayne, who after 
a most gallant resistance, had been compelled to 
yield to the numerical superiority of Knyphausen. 
Thus the conduct of these troops saved everything, 
and left in the hands of the British general a barren 
victory. 

Several hours of daylight still remained ai"ter 
the total rout of the right wing. Had the enemy 
been able to occupy this time in the unmolested 
pursuit of troops who had lost all semblance of 
order, it needs a very slight military knowledge 
to see that the consequences would have been 
inost disastrous, and would probably have resulted 
in the entire destruction of the American forces. 
Had that occurred, human speculation cannot divine 
what would have been the edect upon the future 
fate of this country. Fortunately the event proved 
diflerent, but that it did so is entirely attributable 
to the firmness and gallantry of the troops com- 
manded bv (Jonorals Muhlenberji; and Weedon. 



98 MEMOIR OF 

Hence the trifling loss sullljrcd by the army — 
trilling when the sharpness of the action, and the 
total rout of a portion of the troops is considered — 
can be accounted for by nothing else than the firm 
and excellent conduct of the reserve. 

All the American accounts concur in making 
these two brigades the heroes of the day;'^ nor 
were the British backward in admitting their 
bravery. An English author^" speaking of them 
says, that " they exhibited a degree of firmness, 
order, and resolution, and preserved such a counte- 
nance in extremely sharp service, as would not 
have discredited veterans." Well might they con- 
fess thus much, when for several hours these troops 
had held the greater portion of the Britisli army 
at bay. The fact that, after routing the whole 
American force opposed to them, the British pur- 
suit continued for only one mile, when it was so 
severely checked that it never advanced beyond 
that point, is the highest compliment that can be 
paid to those Generals, who with but three or four 
thousand men arrested the progress of a victorious 
column numbering thirteen thousand. 

The good conduct of these brigades was not 
noticed in general orders by the Commander-in- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. O'J 

chief, the common interest requiring that an efTort 
should be made to keep up the spirits of the raw 
troops who had broken, whose olTicers were 
writhing under the mortification of their recent 
defeat, and the knowledge that other troops had 
behaved better than their own. Acting under this 
resolution, Washington's oIFicial despatches merely 
state the result of the day, distinguishing no officer 
or corps for either good or bad conduct. Some 
of the officers, particularly General Wcedon, were 
said to have been dissatisfied with this course, and 
to have remonstrated with General Greene, their 
immediate commander. According to one ac- 
count, he is said to have expostulated warmly 
with Washington on the injustice done to the 
brave men of his division ; but the latter replied 
that Greene was said to be his favourite officer, 
and these troops like himself were Virginians, and 
if he were to applaud them for their gallant con- 
duct, he would be charged with partiality ; jealousy 
would be excited, and the service would suffer."' 
Another, and a more probable version of the story, 
is, that when Greene was desired to speak with 
the Commander-in-chief, he declined, observing 
correctly enough : " Our General has enough to 



100 MEMOIR OF 

distress liitn ; let us not add to his perplexities. 
The whole army admits the services you rendered; 
let lis rest satisfied with the consciousness of it."^^ 
This magnanimity was appreciated in the army, 
and although not figuring in the despatch, neither 
Greene nor the Virginians lost reputation among 
their fellow-soldiers by this sacrifice; and in private 
letters both Generals Muhlenberg and Wecdon 
were highly complimented for their conduct. 

The rendezvous of the American troops was 
Chester, to which the baggage had before been 
sent forward. Greene's division moved last;^" 
covering the retreat of the army, but the check 
at the ravine had been sufficient for the enemy, 
and no attempt was made at pursuit. Arriving 
at Chester, the Commander-in-chief wrote to Con- 
gress, that he was agreeably surprised to find his 
loss so small and the troops in such good condi- 
tion, — another proof of the gallant conduct of the 
reserve. 

So excellent was the condition of the army, that 
before Sir William Howe had left the field of 
Brandyvvine, the Americans were ready to engage 
him anew. After some little manoeuvring, the two 
armies approached each other on the 10th, at the 



GENERAL JIUIILENCERG. 101 

Warren Tavern on the Lancaster Road, and the 
advance parties of each had actually commenced 
the action, when a heavy rain separated the com- 
batants.'" The ammunition of the American forces 
was so completely ruined, that they found it neces- 
sary to retreat beyond the reach of their opponents 
until they could renew the supply of that indis- 
pensable article. During this time the enemy 
succeeded in passing the Schuylkill, and advancing 
so near Philadelphia that Washington could not 
again throw his army between them and that 
city. It was therefore necessarily abandoned to 
its fate. 



9* 



10^ MEMOIR OF 



CHAPTER IV. 

Continuation of Campaign of 1777 — Discipline of iiis Brigade 
— Council of War — Battle of Gerniantown — Position of the 
Enemy — American Plan of Attack — Progress of I\Iain Body 
— Position of Wayne and Stephen — Progress of Left Column — 
Gains tlic Centre of Village — Muhlenberg's Charge — Defeat 
of British Right Wing — Retreat of American Main Body — 
Left Column surrounded — Its Retreat — Capture of the Ninth 
Virginia Regiment — Muhlenberg's Brigade retreats last — 
Exposure of his Person — Causes of the Censure attempted to 
be cast upon General Greene and the Left Column — Contem- 
plated Attack upon Philadelphia — General Muhlenberg's Opi- 
iiion on the Cantonment of the Troops — Opinion on a proposed 
Winter Campaign and Attack on Philadelphia — Remains at 
Valley Forge during the Winter — Attempts to capture Ilim — 
Anecdote — Dispute of Rank with General Woodford — State- 
ment of the Case — Referred to Board of General Ofliecrs — 
Letter to Congress — Letters to and from General Washington 
— His Resignation not accepted — Letter to the Virginia Dele- 
gation — Resolution of Congrcss-^Opinion of Patrick Henry — 
Settlement of the Dispute. 

Although the season of the year was far ad- 
vanced when the British forces took possession of 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 103 

Philadelphia, neither army as yet thought of lioing 
into winter quarters. Before the enemy could 
quietly enjoy their conquest, it was necessary that 
the American torts on the Delaware should be 
destroyed, in order to aflbrd free communication 
between their land and sea forces. On the other 
hand. General Washington, with his army on the 
western side of the city, and having command of 
the Delaware above and below, hoped by active 
operations to render Sir William Howe's position 
so precarious as to induce him to evacuate Phila- 
delphia. With these views, the forts on the Dela- 
ware were reinforced, and much gallantry was 
displayed by the Americans in those posts before 
they were finally reduced, whilst the main army 
advanced as near to the enemy's lines as possible, 
prepared to act as circumstances might dictate. 
General Muhlenberg, with his brigade, still re- 
mained attached to Greene's division, and conse- 
quently, the movements of the main army are those 
only which this sketch will follow. 

He seems, during the whole of this period, to 
have paid the most unremitting attention to the 
discipline of his brigade, thus sustaining his reputa- 
tion as a strict disciplinarian ; and judging from 



101 MEMOIR OF 

the following passage extracted from liis brigade 
orders of September 28th, not without effect: 
" The General informs the brigade that there have 
been great complaints of late against the soldiery 
for disobedience of general orders, and infractions 
of military discipline ; and although he Jlatters 
himself that few instances can he produced where 
general orders have been disobeyed in his brigade, 
yet he wishes the colonels, as well as the other 
officers, to guard against any well-founded com- 
plaints in the future. As his Excellency is deter- 
mined to look to the brigadiers for compliance 
with his orders in the brigade, so the brigadier 
will hold those responsible who have the more 
immediate command of the soldiery." 

On the same day a council of general officers*' 
was held, to whom the Commander-in-chief stated, 
that with the reinforcements recently arrived the 
army would be about eight thousand Continentals 
and three thousand militia, whilst the British force 
in Germantown was about eight thousand strong. 
He then desired their opinion as to whether an 
immediate attack should be made upon the enemy's 
advanced forces, or whether it should be postponed 
until the arrival of the further reinforcements ordered 



GENERAL, MUHLENBERG. 105 

from Peekskill, amounting to about two thousand 
five hundred men fit for duty. Considerable dilie- 
rence of opinion ensued ; Brigadiers Smallwood, 
Wayne, Scott, Potter, and Irvine, voting that an 
attack should be made, whilst Major-Generals 
Sullivan, Greene, Sterling, Stephen, Armstrong, 
and Brigadiers M'Dougall, Knox, Muhlenberg, 
Nash, and Conway, expressed their opinion, that 
it should be deferred until after the arrival of the 
reinforcement. Had this resolution been adopted, 
the action at Germantown, instead of being a 
drawn battle, would probably have resulted in a 
complete victory. 

A few days afterwards, however, the enemy's 
operations at the forts on the Delaware required 
them to detach a regiment from Germantown, and 
this further weakening of the outposts in the divided 
state of the British forces, seemed so favourable an 
opportunity for a vigorous attack upon the latter 
place, that it was resolved upon and directed to be 
made. As in this action General Muhlenberg dis- 
tinguished himself greatly, although in the numerous 
quarrels and recriminations arising from it,' he was 
deprived of the praise he had so justly earned, a 



100 MEMOIK. OF 

somewhat particular account of the aliah* will be 
necessary. 

The village of Gcrmantown was in that day ap- 
proached from above by four principal roads, upon 
all of which the Americans advanced. The cen- 
tre one was the direct road through the village to 
Philadelphia; the one on the right, known as the 
Ridge Road, ran nearly parallel to the first, and en- 
tered the main road below the village; whilst the 
one on the left, called the Lime Kiln Road, entered 
the village about midway, forming an acute angle 
with the central road. There was still another, 
further to the left, named the Old York Road, 
which entered the direct road immediately below 
the village. 

The enemy were posted in the centre of the vil- 
lage, the line of their encampment being at right 
angles with the main road, which divided it into 
two almost equal parts. A regiment of light in- 
fantry was advanced on the main road, and another 
on the Lime Kiln Road, whilst two battalions of the 
guards observed the Old York Road, and the Ger- 
man chasseurs the Ridge Road.*- The disposition 
of the enemy was therefore most excellent, and his 
troops very advantageously posted. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 107 

Nor was Washington's plan less skilful. He de- 
signed to attack both wings, in front and rear, at 
the same time, and thus annihilate or force them to 
surrender. His dispositions to effect this were as 
follows : on the main road advanced the divisions 
of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's bri- 
gade, and followed by the reserve, consistino- of 
Sterling's division and the brigades of Maxwell and 
Nash. On the Lime Kiln Road advanced the di- 
visions of Greene and Stephen, flanked by M'Dou- 
gall's brigade, the former consisting of ihe Virginia 
brigades of Muhlenberg and Scott, and the whole 
commanded by General Greene, thus leaving the 
immediate command of his division to General 
Muhlenberg. On the right, Armstrong's militia, 
with whom was the Commander-in-chief, advanced 
by the Ridge Road, whilst on the extreme left, the 
Maryland militia, commanded by General Small- 
wood, an excellent officer with very bad troops, 
marched on the Old York Road. The two latter 
parties of militia, unfortunately for the success of 
tlie plan, scarcely did more than look at their op- 
ponents,** except some few corps of Armstrong's 
command, who afterwards joined the main body of 
the Americans. 



108 MEMOIR OF 

The advance of the main column under Sullivan 
upon the direct road encountered the British pick- 
ets, which were soon drivon in, but Colonel Mus- 
grove, by throwing a portion of the 40th regiment 
into Chevy's house, caused a delay and change of 
position, which proved most fatal to the progress of 
the left column under Greene, whose conduct we 
wish more particularly to trace. A regiment was 
left to observe Chew's house, whilst Sullivan's divi- 
sion made a detour to the right, and Wayne's to 
the left, and advanced. General Greene was mov- 
ing forward upon the Lime Kiln Road with the 
division commanded by Muhlenberg on the left, and 
that under Stephen on the right, and as this column 
arrived about half an hour after Sullivan's, Wayne's 
division was directly in front of the position properly 
occupied by Stephen. 

The original plan, that Sullivan and Wayne 
should attack that part of the enemy stationed on 
the right of the direct road, whilst Greene's com- 
mand did the same with the portion on the left, was 
now broken in upon, while the fog and the peculiar 
nature of the ground prevented the change of dis- 
position being made known. When Stephen's di- 
vision advanced, finding a large body of troops in 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 109 

front of them, seen indistinctly through the fog, 
they took it for granted that they must be enemies, 
and fired upon them. This not only threw Wayne 
into confusion, but retarded the advance of Ste- 
phen's division, which was thus separated from the 
remainder of Greene's column, and which it never 
rejoined.** In this position these troops remain- 
ed until the retreat commenced, Sullivan's and 
Sterling's divisions on the right of the road and 
Wayne's on the left, between that and the Lime 
Kiln Road, whilst Stephen was directly in the rear 
of Wayne. None of these troops advanced beyond 
the outskirts of the village. 

Let us now trace the progress of the remainder 
of the left column. This was headed by Greene 
in person, and consisted of only his own division 
under General Muhlenberg and M'Dougall's bri- 
gade. They advanced upon the left side of the 
road, and encountering a regiment of light infantry 
the British advance, soon forced it to retire in con- 
fusion. Pressing rapidly forward they entered the 
village, near the centre of which they found the 
British right drawn up to receive them. Thus far 
the American left column had performed the entire 
duty allotted to them, and they were the only troops 
10 



-I 



110 MEMOIR OF 

on llic lick! who had done so, and now thai ihcy 
liad gained the position assigned them for their 
attack, they found opi)osed to them the whole right 
wing of the enemy drawn up in order of battle, 
whilst one half their own lorcc was a mile in the 
rear, in utter eonfusion, with its commander unfor- 
tunately so intoxicated as to be unable to restore 
order. 

But the troops so situated were the same who at 
Brandywine had held at bay the whole British 
aruiy, wnd the reputation then gained tiiey were 
determined not to lose u\^on this occasion. Although 
froni the absence of Stephen's division, their oppo- 
nents were almost double in number, not a mo- 
nient's delay look pl.ice. The attack was made 
with a fierceness and impetuosity which staggered 
the enemy. For some time the contest was ex- 
tremely sharp, but at length the British troops gave 
symptoms of wavering. At this critical moment, 
Muhlenberg's brigade, which was the leading one, 
advanced, led by himself perso i; 1 \ , and charged 
their opponents with the bayonet. The two batta- 
lions of guards who were opposed to them stood 
the shock for a few moments, but the impetuosity 
and firmness of the charge were too great, and 



GENEUAL MVULKNl'.KV.G. Ill 

finally the Continentals prevailed. The British 
I'ight was now broken, and the Americans ad- 
vanced, driving thein at the j)oint of" the bayonet 
through their encampment Inio the village, and 
making many [jrisoners."*' 

The left column, with a force far inferior to the 
one originally assigned it, had thus far succeeded 
in turning the enemy's right flank and gaining his 
rear, which was precisely the duty the Com- 
mander-in-chief desired it to execute. Had the 
remainder of the army done as well, the victory 
would have been complete. It had penetrated to 
the centre of the village, full a mile beyond any 
other division of the army, and some of the regi- 
ments of Muhlenberg's brigade had actually passed 
through the village and gained the rear of the right 
wing.*" The British left had advanced, so that 
Greene was in their rear and Sullivan in front ; had 
the latter been able to persist in his attack, that 
portion of the enemy must have been captured or 
destroyed, and the regiments which had gained tho 
rear of the right wing would most probably have 
effected the same result there. But instead, of ad- 
vancing, the main body was just commencing its 
retreat. The officers, with a few exceptions, had 



112 MEMOIK OF 

done everything in men's power, but their ammuni- 
tion was expended, and the disorder so great as to 
be irretrievable. 

But this retreat had nearly proved fatal to the 
left column, and especially to General Muhlenberg 
and his brigade, who, having penetrated farthest 
into the enemy's lines, were at this time the most 
exposed. The British left wing, instead of pursuing 
the retreating Americans, immediately returned to 
the assistance of the right, and thus Greene very 
unexpectedly found himself attacked in front and 
rear. Scott's and M'Dougall's brigades were easily 
concentrated, but to extricate Muhlenberg's was a 
more diflicult task. A violent struggle ensued, but 
finally the latter, who had penetrated into the ene- 
my's lines at the point of the bayonet, forced his 
way back with the same weapon, and rejoined the 
column. In so doing, however, he lost all the pri- 
soners he had captured, and the most advanced 
regiment of his brigade, (the 9th Virginia,*^ com- 
manded by Colonel Mnttlicws, an able and gallant 
officer,) was surrounded and compelled to surren- 
der. These were the only prisoners taken by the 
enemy, and the lefi column was the only part of the 
American annv whirh used the bayonet.*'' These 



GENERAL MUULENIJERG. 113 

facts show what troops bore the brunt of the en- 
gagement. 

Greene, with the other two brigades, had up to 
this time maintained his position with a tenacity 
bordering upon desperation, determined at all odds 
to rescue his favourite brigadier, who with his 
whole command would otherwise inevitably have 
been captured. That being done, the column com- 
menced its retreat, and soon joined Stephen's divi- 
sion, which having been scarcely engaged, was 
able to protect the remainder of the march. 

During the early part of this retreat, an incident 
occurred which showed how recklessly General 
Muhlenberg exposed his person, and in which his 
skill as a shot probably saved his life. It happened 
near the village, where the ground was cut up into 
small enclosures strongly fenced. His brigade, 
being the last, was of course most exposed to the 
attacks of the enemy; and he very properly insisted 
upon bringing up the rear himself In so doing he 
was several times nearly taken ; and upon one oc- 
casion, whilst Captain Hubley and some men were 
pulling down a fence which his tired horse was un- 
able to leap, he was aroused from the doze into 
which fatigue and loss of sleep had thrown him, 
10* 



1 14 MEWUIK OK 

(having been on horseback loi the gieater pari of 
two nights and a day,) by the Avhisthng of a ball 
past his ear, and the cry running along the British 
ranks — " Pick olf that ollicer on the white horse!" 
Turning round, he saw a young English officer 
who had taken a nuisket from one of his men, and 
fired at him personally. He was about renewing 
the experiment, w hen the General, tlrawing a pistol 
from his holster, although at some distance, shot 
him through the head. His fall stopped the firing, 
and the General rejoined his brigade.'" 

The American army retreated the same day 
about twenty miles to the Perkiomen Greek : but 
being reinforced in a short time by the arrival of 
the troops from Peekskill. it soon resumcil its old 
position on the Skippack. 

As at Brandywine, the Virginians had again been 
the heroes o{' the day, and again were they deiirivcd 
of the praise so justly deserved. Had justice been 
done upon this occasion, General Muhlenberg's 
name ^vould have figured prominently among those 
who highly distinguished themselves. Several rea- 
sons will account i'or this not being done. The 
attack was unsuccessful, and as at Brandywine, it 
might have been productive of injurious conse- 



GENKKAL MUIILENBEIIG. 115 

quence.s to have complimented a part of the army 
at the expense of the rest. Much indignation, too, I 
was expressed at the conduct of General Stephen, I 
the major-general of the Virginia line, who was 
afterwards cashiered lor intoxication and shameful 
conduct on the retreat; and this no doubt had its 
effect in producing prejudice against the Virginia 
troops. But the great reason arose from the dis- 
sensions in the army and the influence of the (Jon- 
way cabal. Not yet strong enough to strike openly ' \ 
at the Commander-in-chief, they attempted to de- I 
stroy his friends. Upon this occasion General 
Greene was selected as the victim ; and although 
it would puzzle the keenest intellect to discover 
anything save what was commendable in his own 
conduct or that of his division, yet prejudice, false- 
hood, and malignant hostility raised so great a 
clamour, that for a time it was really believed by 
a portion of the community that the conduct of the 
left column had been most shameful.^" As the cabal 
had at this time a strong party in the army, the 
Commander-in-chief may have deemed it proper for 
the interests of the service to give thern no ground 
for charging him with partiality; and thus the Vir- 
ginians were again compelled to rest satisfied with 



116 MEMOIR OF 

the consciousness of having most gallantly dis- 
charged their entire duty. At all events, the de- 
spatch of General Washington was confined entirely 
to the conduct of the main body, referring Congress 
to General Greene's report for information as to the 
left column. Future historians, however, did Greene 
and his officers justice ; and after the lapse of so 
many years, this sketch has at last presented the 
whole conduct of General Muhlenberg in its proper 
light. 

To supply the loss of the ninth Virginia regiment, 
which had been destroyed or captured in the late 
engagement, the state regiment from Virginia, 
which had recently arrived among other reinforce- 
ments, was ordered to join General Muhlenberg's 
brigade. 

After the battle of Germantown a number of 
court-martials were held, upon all of which General 
Muhlenberg was detailed — certainly one of the most 
disagreeable duties which fall to the lot of a soldier. 
Wayne was tried for the surprise at Paoli, and ho- 
nourably acquitted; Stephen for intoxication at 
Germantown, and cashiered; and Maxwell for the 
like ofience at Brandywine. 

Althoush now near the close of the month of 



GENERAL MUHLENBEllO. 



117 



October, both armies were still in the lield. The 
British, since the attack upon Germantown, had 
withdrawn their forces from that place, and 
concentrating them in and about Philadelphia, 
turned their whole attention to the destruction of 
the American works on the Delaware. In the 
mean time Washington retained a position as near 
as possible to Philadelphia, determined to risk an 
action upon the first favourable opportunity, before 
the union of the enemy's land and sea forces. Ge- 
neral Howe, however, acted with so much caution 
and circumspection as to render this impossible. 

On the 29th of October a council of general 
ofRcers^^ was called ; and the Commander-in-chief, 
after stating the relative strensfth of the two armies, 
desired an expression of opinion as to the practica- 
bility of an attack upon Philadelphia. After con- 
siderable debate, it was pronounced not advisable; 
but the army still remained in the field. Late in 
the following month, the absence of Cornwallis 
with two thousand men seemed to present a favour- 
able opportunity for an attack, and the proposition 
was again laid before a council. Four general 
officers, among whom was General Muhlenberg, 
voted in favour of the attack being made; but the 



118 MEMOIR OF 

majority were opposed to it, and the project was 
relinquished. 

The season of the year was now so far advanced 
that it became absolutely necessary to seek proper 
winter quarters for the army; and accordingly the 
commanding officers were consulted upon the sub- 
ject of the cantonment of the troops. The following 
opinion was given by General Muhlenberg : 

" I would beg leave to premise that, agreeably 
to my sentiments, the army should continue in a 
position where they can most effectually annoy the 
enemy, until it shall be absolutely necessary, on ac- 
count of the severity of the weather, to quit the field. 
That the preservation of the army, by getting them 
into good winter quarters, will be of much greater 
utility than any small advantages which can be 
gained over the enemy by keeping the army near 
their lines. 

♦' With regard to the place proper for the army 
to take winter quarters, I must confess I am more 
inclined to join in sentiment with those gentlemen 
who propose Lancaster as the right of the canton- 
ment, and Reading for the left, than with those who 
propose Wilmington. My reasons are these : Wil- 
mington, &c., are so near the enemy, that there is 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 119 

the greatest probability of their frequently alarming 
us ; consequently the end intended, that is, the ease 
of the army, will not be answered. 

" Our army will certainly diminish at least for the 
winter by a number of soldiers receiving permission 
to return to the different states they came from, 
which would perhaps enable the enemy to obtain 
material advantages over us, especially, if it should 
be found necessary, on account of covering, to 
quarter the men some distance apart. 

" The upper part of Pennsylvania would be left 
entirely at the mercy of the enemy, and the com- 
munication with the Eastern States cut off. 

" The enemy will have it in their power to draw 
more supplies from the Jerseys, than it would be 
possible for them to draw from the lower counties, 
even if they were entirely given up to them ; for if 
the army lay at Wilmington, one armed vessel 
would be sufficient to prevent us from affording 
any relief to the Jerseys. 

'" Perhaps if your Excellency was to order some 
person to reconnoitre the country from Reading to 
Easton, it would be found more eligible to make 
Reading the right of the cantonment, and Easton 
the left, than any other place propo5;ed, especially 



120 MEMOIR OF 

if the hint thrown out by a gentleman in council 
was adopted, that is, to erect huts for the more 
robust, and let the feeble be quartered in houses. 
j " In Reading the refugees from Philadelphia are 
less numerous than in Lancaster and Lebanon. 
Reading, Allentown, Bethlehem, and Easton, lie in 
a direct line very near the same distance from 
Philadelphia ; a few miles in front of this line, in 
Maxatawny and Macungy, one, if not two divisions 
may be quartered with the utmost ease, and here 
the troops would be ready either to protect our 
stores, or prevent any considerable ravages of the 
countr)^" 

The leading ideas of this opinion, the giving up 
the lower counties to the enemy and taking a posi- 
tion in the interior of Pennsylvania, were afterwards 
adopted by the Commander-in-chief, although the 
troops were concentrated in one encampment, 
which was not thrown so far back as the line pro- 
posed by this letter. 

Although the last council had decided against an 
attack upon Philadelphia, yet that object was still 
uppermost in the minds of the civilians. Accord- 
ingly about this time a winter campaign was pro- 
posed, the leading idea of which was, an attack 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 121 

upon Philadelphia, with the aid of a body of mihtia 
to be assembled. General Muhlenberg's written 
reply was desired by the Commander-in-chief upon 
the next morning, and it gives so correct a view 
of the then state of things, that its perusal will not 
be uninteresting. 

'•Camp, Dec. 4, 1777. 
" Sir, 

" Your Excellency was pleased to desire the 
opinion of your general officers ' on the advisability 
of a winter campaign, and practicability of an attack 
upon Philadelphia, with the aid of a considerable 
body of militia, to be assembled at an appointed 
time and place.' I must confess that to me this 
question seems so much interwoven with the ques- 
tion your Excellency was pleased to put a few days 
ago, that I can hardly separate them. 

" The main point I conceive is still, whether 
a winter campaign is practicable ; if not, the last 
question falls, of course, unless the time is the spring. 
A winter campaign seems to me not only unadvisa- 
ble, on account of our situation, but impracticable, 
at least if I am to judge of other brigades by my 
own, one single regiment of which has turned out 
11 



l'2'2 MEMOIU OF 

ninety uumi unfit for duty on account of shoes and 
other necessaries. The sick beeonie numerous, 
auil the men. notwithstanding the utmost care of 
their otfieers, will be frost-bitlcn and subject to 
many other disorders, if they are to keep the field 
until the militia can be collected, which, if wo are 
to judge iVom the past, cannot be done in less than 
two months. In tlie mean lime it cannot be ex- 
pected that the enemy will remain idle. Their 
works will be continued, their vessels, which are 
now bet'ore the town, will not only turnish them 
with cannon, but with marines and sailors ; so that 
in all probability before the militia can be collected, 
an attack will be thought impracticable upon the 
same grounds, and perhaps with more reason, than 
at present. At the time when this hint was first 
thrown out in council, I was pleased with it, as there 
seemed a probability of success ; but I had no idea 
that a winter campaign was so closely connected 
with the plan. This in my opinion would prove 
more fatal to the army under your Excellency's 
command, than an unfortunate attack on the town. 
I am far, however, from thinking that the plan 
ought to be dropped entirely. If the army was to 
go into winter quarters where the men could be 



GENEIIAI. MVm.ENnFAiG. 12S 

refreshed and clothed, and remain there until the 
latter end of Marcli, the nriilitia could be collected 
in the mean time ; then a vigorous attack could be 
made witfi a probability of success. 

" Thus I have given your Excellency my senti- 
ments on the (juestion proposed, as clearly as the 
shortness of the time I had for consideration, which 
was only a few minutes this morning, would permit 
me. The utility of hearing a question debated is 
great at least to a young soldier. Should the ques- 
tion be decided otherwise, your Excellency may be 
assured, that any part entrusted to me shall be exe- 
cuted with the greatest cheerfulness. 
" Your Excellency's 
*' Most obedient and very humble servant, 

" P. Muhlenberg." 

The opinions of the officers were, however, un- 
favourable to the feasibility of the plan, and the 
scheme was dropped. The army now prepared to 
go into winter quarters. 

General Washington upon his own responsibility 
had selected Valley Forge as the ground for the 
cantonment of the troops, a position which secured 
their stores and prevented the enemy from ravaging 



124 MEMOIR OF 

the country. Accordingly, in December the army 
encamped here, erecting huts for the whole force. 
The brigades were arranged in a semicircle along 
the bank of the Schuylkill immediately below the 
Valley Creek, that commanded by Muhlenberg 
being upon the river's bank, and consequently the 
nearest towards the enemy. Being most exposed, 
it had charge of some small redoubts, erected for 
the security of the position. 

General Muhlenberg accompanied the army into 
winter quarters, and remained with them during 
the whole of that terrible season. Of the privations 
there endured it is unnecessary to speak ; they are 
a matter of history and were common to the whole 
army. 

Whilst the Continental forces remained here, how- 
ever, he several times narrowly escaped being cap- 
tured by scouting parties of the enemy. His father 
still resided at the Trappc, but a few miles distant, 
and he was in the habit of occasionally riding there 
from camp in the evening, and returning early the 
next morning. This place was often approached by 
the enemy's light cavalry, and accordingly great 
precautions were taken by the family to prevent his 
presence being known. Blankets were hung before 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 125 

the windows and doors, to prevent his being seen 
by any lurking spies, and his presence was carefully 
concealed from all suspicious persons. He hinnself 
would never undress or allow his horse to be un- 
saddled. Presuming upon the probability of his 
visiting his aged father, repeated attempts were 
made to capture him, and upon one occasion he 
was only saved by the fleetness of his horse.^^ 

Another anecdote^^ is told of him, which shows 
not only the influence of his early education, but 
also how correct was his appreciation of the bully- 
inor, swearincc class of soldiers then so common. It 
is as follows. Upon some occasion, whilst the army 
was at Valley Forge, the American outposts had 
had a brush with the enemy, in which the former 
were defeated, and rumour had magnified the afiair 
into a serious disaster. On the reception of the 
news, the General, then at the Trappe, was taunted 
by an exulting Tory with " Well, General ! have you 
heard the news 1 What do you think of your army 
now ?" "Ah !" was the reply, " that is nothing — 
it was only some of our God-damn-me and damn- 
my-eyes fellows ; when our real soldiers come into 
action, you will hear a different account." The 
future proved the truth of his remark. 
11* 



126 MEMOIR OF 

About this time the dispute as to the rank of the 
general officers of the Virginia line, before referred 
to, took place. It was the source of much trouble 
to General Muhlenberg, and induced him to tender 
his resignation to the Commander-in-chief. A 
perusal of the portion of the correspondence which 
the limits of this sketch permit to be given, will 
beyond all doubt convince the reader that General 
Muhlenberg was hardly dealt by ; but the spirit of 
self-sacrifice and devotion to the great cause which 
the occurrence proved him to possess, only served 
to place his character in a brighter light. Although 
only of personal interest, the result of this dispute 
was of such importance to him that its explanation 
is indispensably necessary. 

The following brief statement of facts will be 
sufficient for the full comprehension of the dispute. 
It is extracted from the " case"-^ laid before the 
board of officers called to consider the claim made 
by General Woodford, which board was composed 
of all the major and brigadier generals of the army. 
It must be premised, however, that this claim was 
not made until a year had elapsed after their pro- 
motion; that during all this time General Woodford 
acquiesced in the superior rank of General Muh- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 127 

lenberg, served under his command, and had even 
at the time of his promotion addressed a letter^^ to 
General Weedon, (who was confessedly inferior in 
rank to General Muhlenberg,) congratulating him 
on his elevation, and stating that he would be 
happy and willing to serve under his command. 

In July, 1775, Woodford was appointed colonel 
of the second Virginia state regiment. On the 
13th of February, 1776, he was appointed colonel 
of the second Continental regiment, and Muhlen- 
berg of the eighth ; Scott, lieutenant-colonel of the 
second, and Weedon of the third. On the 9th of 
June, Scott was appointed colonel of the fifth, and 
Weedon of the third, the former ranking above the 
latter. On the 3d of September, Colonel Woodford 
resigned his commission, because Colonel Stephen 
was promoted over his head. On the 21st of Feb- 
ruary, 1777, Muhlenberg, Weedon, and Woodford, 
were appointed brigadier-generals. Congress ex- 
pressly declaring that they should rank as above 
named. On the 1st of April, Scott was appointed 
a brigadier-general. On the 19th of August, Con- 
gress determined the principle, that in all promo- 
lions, the relative rank of officers promoted should 
be determined by the date of the commissions held 



128 MEMOIR OF 

by them at tlic time of their promotion, which 
principle was confirmed by a resolution of the 12th 
of November; and on the 29th of the same month, 
Congress declared that the rank of Generals Arnold, 
Woodford, and Scott, should be settled agreeably 
to this principle. All these resolutions concurred 
in making General Muhlenberg the senior officer 
of the Virginia line ; but backed by strong Con- 
gressional influence, General Woodford claimed 
that rank, because before his resignation he was 
the eldest colonel ; to which resignation he was 
compelled by the injustice done him. To this 
claim Generals Muhlenberg and Weedon objected ; 
Scott claimed to rank Weedon, because he did so 
when colonel; to this Weedon objected, because 
he was made a brigadier two months before Scott. 

Perhaps the reason of this sudden claim on the 
part of General Woodford arose from the fact that 
the senior brigadier of the Virginia line would in 
all probability be promoted to the commission 
made vacant by the disgrace of Major-General 
Stephen. 

The board of general officers met at Lord Ster- 
ling's quarters on the 2d of March, and by a 
majority of a single vote decided in favour of 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 129 

General Woodford, referring, however, the final 
decision of the matter to Congress. General Muh- 
lenberg was not heard before this board, although 
his opponent enjoyed that advantage. He then 
addressed the following letter to Congress. 

"Camp, March 7tli, 1778. 
" Gentlemen, 

" The board of general officers appointed to 
settle the rank of Generals Woodford, Weedon, 
Scott, and myself, having referred the final deter- 
mination to the honourable the Congress, I beg 
leave to mention a few particulars on that subject ; 
and as General Woodford has already stated the 
case, I shall be as concise as possible. 

" At the time when General Woodford resigned 
his commission as colonel, he ranked as the first 
colonel in the Virginia line, myself as the fourth ; 
but by the resignation of Colonel Woodford and 
others, and by the disgrace of Colonel Buckner, 
I became first. Thus we stood on the 21st of 
February, 1777, when Weedon, Woodford, and 
myself were appointed brigadiers. 

" When Colonel Woodford was promoted to the 
rank of brigadier, it was not on account of his 



130 MEMOIR OF 

former standing in the army as senior colonel, but 
merely as a favour for former services done. 

"This appears plainly by the resolves of Con- 
gress at and subsequent to his promotion, and in 
this light I always presumed General Woodtord 
viewed it himself, as he never claimed precedence 
over \\'eedon and myself until almost twelve months 
after his promotion. 

" The commission I received from the honourable 
Congress as oldest brigadier in the Virginia line was 
unsought for and unsolicited. This commission 
mentions in a particular manner that I am to have 
precedence of General Woodford ; and this com- 
mission is moreover supported by two resolves of 
Congress, enough in all conscience to make it as 
the laws of the Medes and Persians, irrevocable ; 
in short, Congress have been pleased to honour 
me with a commission of importance : I have 
endeavoured to render myself worthy of it, by 
serving my country to the utmost of my abilities, 
nor am I conscious of having, by any part of my 
conduct while in the army, rendered myself un- 
worthy of the trust reposed in me, or of remaining 
in the service of my country, which in point of 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 131 

honour I can only do in that post to wliicli by my 
commission I am entitled. 

" I am, genilemen, with much respect, 

" Your most obedient, humble servant, 

" P. IMuHLKNBKUG. 

" To tlie Honourable the 
Committee of Congress, 
At .Moorhall." 

The following letters^^ upon the subject, also 
passed between himself' and General Washington. 

"April ]Ot!i, 177S. 
" Sm, 

"Colonel Meade was with me this morning, 
desiring me to give your Excellency a final answer, 
in what manner I intended to act with regard to 
the dispute between Generals Woodford, Weedon, 
and myself Though I have had time enough to 
consider of it, I have still put it otf, as I expected 
nothing would be done in the matter uniil General 
Weedon's return. 

" This aflair has been often canvassed within 
mv hearing bv the officers of the arm v. and T 



132 MEMOIR OF 

find the generality of them are of opinion that the 
change would liave taken place if General Wood- 
ford had had no claims, as Congress were deter- 
mined to put him in a post where he might have 
the first chance of promotion. I must confess, 
that neither honour nor ambition were the leadine: 
principles which actuated me when I entered the 
service, neither shall they be the cause of ray 
quitting it at present. But your Excellency w'ill 
acknowledge that much depends on opinion, and 
whenever an officer disgraces himself in the opinion 
of his brother olliccrs of inferior rank, his influence 
and authority become despicable. Fond as I should 
be of continuing in the service of my country, I do 
not think I could do it with propriety, unless some 
reasons were given for the change. This would 
justify me to my friends, and to the army in 
general, for I cannot iiclp thinking that something 
more is required for our meridian, than barely to 
* call in and cancel.' 

" Your Excellency will, I hope, pardon me for 
writing my sentiments so freely ; but should your 
Excellency be of opinion that I have not been 
injured, and can serve with propriety, I shall 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 133 

always think myself happy in obeying your Excel- 
lency's commands. 

" 1 have the honour to be 

" Your most obedient servant, 

" V. Muhlenberg. 
"To General WasliinjOfton." 

To this letter the ('Ominander-in-chief imme- 
diately replied as follows : 

" Ilead-qnarters, April 10, 1778. 
" Dear Sir, 

"In answer to yours of this morning, J have only 
to say, that the matter respecting your rank and 
that of Generals Woodford, Weedon, and Scott, 
has been fully discussed at several times by Con- 
gress, the committees of Congress, and a board of 
general oflicers, whose opinions all seemed to cor- 
respond. 

'• This contradicts the report that Congress were 
at all events determined to give a preference to 
General Woodford, as it appears to me that their 
determination was founded upon the proceedings 
of the general officers. Their report was short, 
12 



13 i MEMOin OF 

because they had papers before iliem \vhich lully 
evinced that the respective claims had been duly 
considered, and there was therefore no need of re- 
capitulating all that had passed. You know iny 
opinion, which has been given in a convcrsaiion 
between us. 

'• I cannot judge of the teelings of others, but niy 
own should generally be regulated by the opinions 
of a set of gentlemen who I conceive have been 
actuated by the purest principles of impartiality 
and justice: anil 1 do not think that any otHcer 
will look upon a submission to their decision as dis- 
honourable. I would not be thought to press you 
to a hasty decision upon this matter; but when you 
consider that we arc upon the verge of the cam- 
paign, you will think with me that no time is to be 
lost : because if a successor should be necessary, 
he will scarcely have time to be acquainted with 
the brigade before they are called to action. 

" Yours, (S:c., 

'' G. Washington." 
"To Brig:. Gen. Mulilcnbcrg." 

^ The resolution'" which passed Congress, directed 

^ General Washington " to call in and cancel the 



GENERAL MUHLENBEKG. 135 

commissions of Generals Muhlenberg, Weedon, 
Woodford, and Scott, and issue new ones in the \ 
following order: — Woodford, IMuhlenbeig, Scott, 
and Weedon.-' Upon this, General Weedon, who 
was an excellent oilicer, resigned; and afier the 
receipt o{ the above letter. General IMuhlenberg 
waited on the Commander-in-chief to ask his per- 
mission to do the same. Washington was, how- 
ever, unwilling to part with him, and he consented 
to remain until he could leave without prejudice to 
the service. This not only shows the value Wash- 
ington set on his services, but also the purity of the 
motives which led General Muhlenberg into the 
army ; for at this time the pay of an olHcer w-as 
insulRcient even to clothe him ; no future provision 
had been made for them ; and when olKcers were 
resigning by hundreds, to remain in the army after 
so great an act of injustice had been done him, 
showed a degree of patriotism rarely found. 

This dispute remained undecided until April, 
1779, when General Muhlenberg presented the fol- 
lowing memorial to Congress. Its clear statement 
of the points at issue, and the modest sketch of his 
own conduct, will perhaps not prove uninteresting. 



136 MnMOIU OF 

"1 have endeavoured to state my claim, and give 
my reasons why I ought to rank bctorc General 
Woodford, but cannot be so particular as I could 
wish, as I have lelt all my papers relative thereto 
in camp. I shall therefore only trouble you with 
the most material points. General Woodford was 
appointed colonel of a regiment in 1775: I was ap- 
pointed in 1776: so that General Woodford at that 
time was my superior otliccr. Some time in 1776. 
Colonels Stephen and ;^Jcrccr, who were younger 
colonels than Woodford, were appointed brigadiers, 
which occasioned General Woodford to resign, as 
thinking himself neglected. Colonel Buckner being 
broke for misconduct, I became the oldest colonel 
in the Virginia line, and was appointed a brigadier 
on the *-21st of February, 1777, together with Gene- 
rals Weedon and Woodford. My rank as ihc first 
brigadier in the Virginia line was established by 
three difterent resolves of Congress. I was com- 
missioned and acknowledged as such during the 
campaign of 1777, and for some months after, until 
General Woodford, in March, 1778, obtained a 
special resolve of Congress, by which I was super- 
seded, and he was ordered lo take rank ol" me. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 137 

" There was indeed a board of general officers 
called to settle the dispute subsisting between us. 
General Woodford gave in his claim, but I was not 
called upon, so that unless they had a spirit of 
divination, they could not know what I had to oiler 
in my own behalf. There were at this time but 
few general officers in camp, some of whom having 
heard only one part of the storv, were prepossessed 
against me, and gave their opinion in favour of 
General Woodford before they were called upon to 
decide the matter. Nevertheless, there was but a 
majority of one who gave it in favour of General 
W^oodford. 

" When the honourable the Congress were pleased 
to pass the last resolve in favour of General W^ood- 
ford, I waited on his Excellency the Commander- 
in-chief, and requested his permission to resign; but 
as the campaign was just opening, and finding his 
Excellency unwilling to spare me at that time, I 
promised to continue until I could retire without 
prejudice to the service, or until the end of the 
campaign. 

"x\t the conclusion of the last campaign, I found 
it impracticable to quit the army, as I was the only 
1-2* 



13S MEMOjn. OF 

general officer of Ihu Virginia lino ihcn in camp, 
and therefore could not be spared. 

"I have hitherto retained the commission I first 
received as brigadier, which gave me rank of 
General Woodford, and cannot in justice to myself 
accept an inferior one, unless it can be done in a 
manner that will give no occasion for thinking 1 
was superseded for misconduct. However, as Con- 
gress have been pleased to fix certain principles for 
the arrangement of the army, one of which is "that 
resignations shall exclude all pretensions to ibrniei" 
rank," I cannot think I shall be the only exception. 

"General Woodford claims rank from having 
been appointed a colonel before me ; but when he 
was appointed a brigadier, he was taken fron) the 
body of the people at large, and had no connexion 
with the army. lie had resigned nine months be- 
fore, so that I have served longer as a colonel than 
General Woodford ; and during the time he re- 
mained at home, 1 made a distressing campaign in 
South Carolina and Georgia. 

" This, sir, I believe will be sufficient to show 
the ground 1 claim upon. 1 should perhaps have 
given in my claim sooner, but the General has 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 139 

been so much distressed wilh disputes oi' this kind, 

that I was loth to trouble him. 

" 1 shall be happy if the matter can be settled 

without troubling his Excellency further. 

" I am, sir, 

"With respect and esteem, 

" Your most obedient, humble servant, 

" P. Muhlenberg. 
" Hon. Tliomas Adams, and other 

Members of Congress for the 

State of Virginia, Pliiladelphia." 

This ably penned letter was referred to the Board 
of War, who reported, that *' as the memorialist, 
with a becoming zeal for the service, would be 
satisfied with an explanation of the resolution of 
Congress passed the 19th of March, 1778," that 
they therefore recommended the passage of a reso- 
lution*^ stating " That the arrangement then made 
was founded upon principles not atfecting the per- 
sonal characters or comparative merits of those 
officers." This resolution was passed unanimously; 
and although General Muhlenberg had undoubtedly 
been deprived of his just rank, yet actuated by 
motives of patriotism, and disinclined to give 
further trouble to General Washington, he ac- 



HO MEMOIR OF 

quicsced in this settlement of this long-disputed 
question. General Weedon, also, who had retired 
from the service, returned to it again in the year 
1780. 

The justice of General Muhlenberg's claim seems 
to ha\'e been generally admitted, except of course 
by the peculiar friends of General Woodford. The 
following extract of a letter from Patrick Henry to 
General Muhlenberg, dated Sept. G, 1778, is selected 
from many others ; for, as the executive of Virginia, 
it is natural to suppose that he had thoroughly ex- 
amined the dispute existing between the two highest 
officers in the line of that state. " Let me take the 
liberty just to hint, that I think a resignation now 
might defeat a claim which otherwise, I trust, will 
be approved by every one." 

Thus ended this dispute, which was most annoy- 
ing to General Muhlenberg personally, but its oc- 
currence cannot be regretted, since it established 
beyond all doubt, the purity and sincerity of the 
motives by which he was actuated. 



GENERAL MUIILENUEIIG. 141 



CHAPTER V. 

Opening ol'tlic Campaign of 1778 — Plans of Operation proposed 
— General Mulilonberg's Opinion — Rejoicings at Valley Forge 
— Council of War — Opinion on the Propriety of a General 
Action — Evacuation of Piiiladelphia — Council of War — Battle 
of Monmouth — Position of his Brigade — Attack upon Greene's 
Division — Conduct in the Action — Army at the Wliitc Plains 
— Reorganization of Brigades — Muhlenberg advanced to 
King's Bridge — Proposed March to the Eastward — His Opinion 
— Selection of Winter Quarters — Application for Leave of Ab- 
sence — Washington's Reply — Assigned the Command of a Di- 
vision — Dinner to General Putnam — March to Middlebrook — 
Sudden Return — Gaiety at Middlebrook — Preparations for tlic 
Campaign — March of the Army to the Highlands — Attack 
upon Stony Point — Arrangement of the Virginia Line — Order, 
ed to tiic South witli his Conunand — Destination Changed — 
Directed to assume the chief command in Virginia. 

The campaign of 1778 was now about opening, 
its commencement having been delayed thus' long 
by the severity of the weather, and the condition (jf 
both ai'mies. General Muhlenberg was at this time 



142 MEMOIR OF 

with the main army, having remained at Valley 
Forge during the whole winter, with the exception 
of an absence of a few weeks in Virginia, during 
the month of February. He had gone thither to 
arrange his private aflairs, this being the first leave 
of absence given him since his entry into the ser- 
vice; but hearing of the probable result of his dis- 
pute with General Woodford, he had returned with- 
out accomplishing his object, not intending to retain 
his commission. The reasons which induced a 
change of purpose have already been stated. 

In the latter part of April, before the determina- 
tion of the enemy to evacuate Philadelphia was 
suspected, three plans'^" of operation were under 
the consideration of the Commander-in-chief. One 
was the remaining quiet in a fortified camp, another 
an attack upon Philadelphia, and the third the cap- 
ture of New York, either by a coup-de-main, or by 
regular approaches. The opinions of the general 
officers were as usual desired upon these points, 
and the following extracts from General Muhlen- 
berg's letter will perhaps prove interesting, as show- 
ing the correctness of his judgment, and especially 
that his zeal for the service had not been cooled by 
the wound given to his military pride. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 143 

" Agreeably to your Excellency's requisition, I 
have investigated the proposition, and endeavoured 
to forna my opinion with regard to the three gene- 
ral plans of operation proposed for the ensuing cam- 
paign. I shall begin with the last plan proposed, 
' the remaining quiet in a secure fortified camp, 
disciplining and arranging the army until the enemy 
begin their operations, and then to govern ourselves 
accordingly.' 

" This, in my humble opinion, would be by far 
the least eligible plan of the three. I do not think 
ihere has been a time since the commencement of 
the war, in which it was so necessary to make 
some spirited eflbrt as it will be at the opening of 
this campaign ; and should the main army under 
your Excellency's command remain inactive, it 
would add much to the almost universal languor 
which at this lime too much prevails throughout 
the continent. The only real good we could reap 
from this plan would be the arranging and disci- 
plining the army, which, though great in itself and 
obvious to the discerning few, is not of that splendid 
kind which the people in general wish and look for, 
and which is so necessary in our present situation, 
to keep the bulk of our people together. Success 



144 MEMOIR OF 

alone, in consequence of this plan, could justify the 
measure to the country and posterity ; but Fortune 
is a jilt. 

" Secondly, * the attempt to recover Philadelphia, 
and destroy the enemy's army there.' 

" This, if it could be cflected, would terminate 
the dispute, and establish the independence of Ame- 
rica. The solid advantages that would accrue to 
iVmerica from the execution of this plan would 
justify the risk, and compensate for the loss we 
should probably sustain in its execution. If the 
enemy's force consists of ten thousand men be- 
sides seamen and marines, they will be able to 
man their works fully, and as a measure of this 
kind cannot be carried into execution without the 
enemy's perceiving our intention for some time 
before the plan is ripe, the}^ will have time to com- 
plete their system of defence, and etlectually pre- 
vent the carrying it by storm, or perhaps by a 
regular siege with any number of !nen we shall be 
able to bring against them ; so that the only method 
in my opinion would be to reduce the city by 
blockade. To effect this, twenty-five thousand men 
at least will be required on this side of the Dela- 
ware, fifteen thousand of these to take post as near 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 145 

the city as possible, extending their line from Dela- 
ware to Schuylkill, with sufficient works to prevent 
the enemy from making an impression on, or sur- 
prising the line. The remaining ten thousand to 
be posted on this side of Schuylkill, their camp to 
be fortified, and, if possible (as I think it is), to ex- 
tend to Delaware to prevent the enemy from re- 
ceiving supplies through that channel. The whole 
militia of the Jerseys to occupy the Jersey shore 
opposite the city and as low as Billingsport. 

" The last plan proposed, ' the endeavouring to 
transfer the war to the northward by an enterprise 
against New York' is, I must confess, my favourite. 
If nothing was gained by the enterprise but trans- 
ferring the war to the northward, the advantage 
would be great, as the country is so much better 
calculated not only for supplying the army, but we 
should be in the neighbourhood of states where the 
militia would be ready and willing to turn out on 
any emergency to join the grand army, — a militia 
well afiecled, well armed and to be depended on; 
and there is also the greatest probability that New 
York will fall into our hands. The enemy in their 
present situation cannot maintain both cities; if they 
send strong reinforcements from Philadelphia, that 
13 



140 MEMOIR OF 

city must lall ; if ihcy keep their force together in 
Philadelphia, New York must fall. Another reason 
th;it weighs forcibly with me is, that we shall in a 
little time have all the succours we can expect from 
the southward, so that our expectation of assistance 
from that quarter to carry on an expedition against 
Philadelphia will be small. An enterprise against 
New York is, as I have heard, a favourite scheme 
with the Eastern States, and New England would 
pour forth her thousands to carry the plan into exe- 
cution. Twenty thousand men would be necessary 
to invest the place, and \vc should then be able to 
carry it even if the enemy should reinforce the 
garrison before we could get into the city; but how 
these men are to be disposed of, I shall not pretend 
to sa}', as I am only acquainted with the situation 
of the place from the map. 

" To cover and protect this state, an army of 
observation, consisting of seven or eight thousand 
men, besides the militia of the state, should be left to 
watch the motions of the enemy in Philadelphia, 
and to make an attcm}>t on the city in case the 
enemy should send considerable reinforcements to 
the relief of New York. Our military and other 
stores should be removed to ihc other side of the 



GENERAL MUIILENKERG. 147 

Susquehanna, lo prevent a possibility of their being 
destroyed by tlic enemy. 

" If tin's plan is adopted, every measure should be 
taken to induce the enemy to believe that our i)rin- 
cipal force is intended to act against Philadelphia, 
and no part of the army move towards New York 
until everything is ready for the enterprise ; for, 
should the enemy be deceived by appearances, 
before they could reinforce New York, the place 
might be carried by a coup-de-main, and their 
valuable stoies fall into our hands," 

Early in May, great rejoicings took place at 
Valley Forge, on the reception of the news of the 
French alliance."" The (|uaint style of the order 
given on the occasion would be interesting to the 
curious, but the limits of this work forbid its beino; 
transferred to these pages. The whole army was 
drawn up in two lines, and after firing a feu-de- 
joic, on a signal given, it was ordered to " Huzza, 
long live the King of France !" then another fire 
and the cry of " Huzza, and long live the friendly 
European powers!" and finally a discharge of can- 
non and a " Huzza to the American States !" Such 
a demonstration in this day would be thought 
stranuc cnou'Th. 



148 MEMOIR OF 

On the 28th of this month, General Lcc assumed 
the command of the division composed of Muhlen- 
berg's and Scott's brigades, in the place of General 
Greene, who had been appointed Quartermaster- 
General, and the second Virginia state regiment 
was added to the former brigade, thus completing 
its numbers and placing it in a high state of effi- 
ciency. 

The enemy had now sufficiently developed their 
intention of evacuating Philadelphia, to enable 
General Washington to proceed with some reason- 
able certainty upon this hypothesis, and the proposed 
attack upon New York was therefore abandoned. 
A council of war was held on the 17th of June, to 
decide upon the course proper for the American 
army to pursue, the principal questions put to them 
being, whether an attack should be made on Phila- 
delphia, and whether the enemy's retreat should be 
impeded by a general or partial engagement. These 
queries were prefaced by a statement of the re- 
spective force of the two armies, which was repre- 
sented by the Commander-in-chief to be as follows. 
The British in and about Philadelphia were esti- 
mated at about ten thousand men fit for duty; 
whilst the Americans at Valley Forge numbered 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 149 

about twelve thousand five Iiundred cflectivcs, of 
whom eleven thousand would be able to march ofl' 
the ground, leaving behind them nearly five thou- 
sand sick. Further, that when the two armies were 
concentrated about New York, the enemy would 
be from fourteen to fifteen thousand strong, whilst 
the Americans would have nearly fourteen thousand 
Continentals fit for service."' 

The expression against an attack upon Philadel- 
phia was unanimous ; but on the other question, 
considerable diflcrence of opinion ensued in the 
council. Of sixteen general officers present. Gene- 
ral Wayne was the only one who was in favour of 
a general attack, Lafayette inclining to that opinion 
without openly embracing it. General Greene was 
inclined to take a middle course, being in favour of 
an engagement if necessary to protect the country ; 
and in this opinion he was supported by General 
Muhlenberg, who in his letter uses the following 
language. 

" If the enemy should attempt to pass through 
the Jerseys to New York, they arc so well prepared, 
and the obstructions the militia will be able to 
throw in their way so trifling, that this army will 
not be able to overtake them before they reach the 
1.3* 



r 



150 MEMOIR OF 

place of their destination. Should this be the case, 
it would be necessary to march immediately to 
secure the important posts on the North River. 
But should the enemy, instead of marching through 
the Jerseys, endeavour to establish themselves, and 
get a permanent footing in that state, it would then 
become necessary to risk even a general action, if 
a favourable opportunity oflered, as the destruction 
of that state would be productive of worse conse- 
quences to the United States than a partial defeat 
of this army." 

These views, however, did not prevail ; all the 
other officers deciding that no attack, cither partial 
or general, should be made. Lee, Steuben, and 
Du Portail were warmly of this opinion ; and the 
influence of these experienced European officers 
most probably brought about this decision of the 
council. 

On the 18th of June, the British evacuated Phila- 
delphia, directing their march across the Jerseys to 
New York. The former city had proved a second 
Capua to Sir William Howe's army. He had 
landed the preceding fall fully eighteen thousand 
men at the head of Elk, and certainly not more 
than eleven thousand marched out of the city. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 151 

Their loss in battle had been small, and their com- 
fortable quarters had kept the army unusually- 
healthy; so that this terrible diminution can be 
only accounted for by the spirit of desertion, which, 
among the Hessians especially, prevailed to a very 
great degree. On the day following, the American 
army broke up its cantonments at Valley Forge, 
and moved towards Coryell's Ferry, General Lee 
with his division and three other brigades moving 
in advance of the main army. 

Owing to an extensive circuit which was ren- 
dered necessary to reach Coryell's Ferry, the army 
did not cross the Delaware until the 22d of June. 
At that time the following arrangement'''^ of the 
troops was made for the march through the Jer- 
seys, that the order of battle might be known in 
case of any sudden emergency. The right wing, 
commanded by General Lee, consisted of Wood- 
ford's, Scott's North Carolina, Poor's, Varnum's, 
and Huntingdon's brigades. The left, under Major- 
General Lord Sterling, was formed of the first 
and second Pennsylvania, late Conway's, Glover's, 
Learned's, and Patterson's ; whilst the second line, 
commanded by Major-General the Marquis de La- 
fayette, was composed of Muhlenberg's, Weedon's, 



152 BIEMOIK, OF 

first and second Maryland, and Maxwell's brigades. 
The march was to commence from the left. 

On the 24th, another council was held, which re- 
sulted in the determination to send forward only 
fifteen hundred men to strengthen the advance. 
Although this was the public decision of the council, 
influenced as they were by the opinions of the 
European officers, yet it seems to be a well-esta- 
blished fact that the general officers were about 
equally divided in wishing or not wishing an en- 
gagement. The Americans at this time lay in the 
vicinity of Princeton, and the enemy in and about 
Allentown, whilst the direction of the latter's march 
was such that if the Americans advanced, a col- 
lision must necessarily ensue. 

General Scott was selected to command the re- 
inforcement sent to the advance, which shortly 
afterwards, on the individual responsibility of the 
Commander-in-chief, was strengthened by a detach- 
ment of one thousand picked men under General 
Wayne, and the Marquis de Lafayette sent forward 
to command the whole. General Lee, who had 
been opposed to any engagement, and who had 
consequently declined the command of the advance 
so long as he thought nothing serious was intended, 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 153 

now that the vanguard was strengthened to nearly 
five tfiousand rank and file, evidently with the in- 
tention of attacking the enemy, thought it necessary, 
in justice lo himself, to apply for the command j 
which properly belonged to him. His request was 
not refused, and he was accordingly sent forward 
with two additional brigades to assume command 
of all troops advanced. 

Sir Hcnr}^ Clinton, who presumed that the inten- 
tion of the Americans was to strike at the immense 
train which accompanied his army, very wisely 
took the resolution of offering battle for its pre- 
servation. The baggage was put under the charge 
of Lieutenant-General Knyphausen, who with a 
strong column moved ofi' at daybreak, whilst Sir 
Henry, with the remainder of the army, under the j 
immediate command of I^ord Cornwallis, took post 
in the vicinity of Freehold. About eight o'clock 
this division commenced its march, but was very 
shortly after attacked by General Wayne in so 
vigorous a manner as to compel them to draw up 
in order of battle. Their force was so overwhelm- 
ing as to induce General Lee, who thought the 
ground unfavourable to a general action, to order 
or permit a retreat, the object of which was to draw 



154 MEMOIR OF 

lliu cnomy throLigli the defile to a position where, if 
(lefeatcd, their retreat would be cut ofi'. This re- 
treat was conclusively proved by the evidence be- 
fore the court-martial to have been conducted with 
skill and order ; for although vague charges of 
disorder were heard, yet every officer examined 
strenuously denied its existence in his own com- 
mand. In the midst of this retreat the Commander- 
in-chief rode up, and, much incensed, ordered the 
troops to be immediately formed on the ground 
they then occupied; which was very nearly or quite 
the position which General Lee wished to take. 
The order was instantly obeyed; the troops formed 
with the greatest precision, and the battle com- 
menced. 

General Muhlenberg's brigade in this action 
formed a part of the right wing of the second line, 
under the immediate command of General Greene, 
who had stipulated on accepting the office of 
quartermaster-general, that in time of action he 
should still command his division. It was these 
troops who, taking a position contrary to orders^^ on 
the right of the American line, first checked the 
advance of the enemy, and afterwards, by the well- 
directed fire of their artillery, materially aided in 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 155 

discomfiting an attack made upon Lord Sterling's 
command. 

The occurrence is thus related in Johnson's Life 
of Greene: — "During the action, on a movement 
being made by the enemy which threatened the 
right of Washington's line, Greene was ordered to 
file off' about two miles from Englishtown, and fall 
into the Monmouth road a small distance in the 
rear of the court-house, while the residue of the 
army proceeded directly forward. This movement 
would have brought him into the rear of the position 
in which the armies were now engaged. He had 
already advanced some distance, but hearing of the 
retreat of the party under Lee, and foreseeing that 
it would expose the troops immediately under Wash- 
ington to the whole weight of the enemy's attack, 
he immediately changed his route, and took an ad- 
vantageous position near the enemy's left. As he 
had foreseen, this movement withdrew the enemy 
from his designs against the left, or first lir)e of the 
American army, and drew on a most furious attack 
upon his own division. General Knox, who com- 
manded the artillery of this division, poured in a 
most destructive fire upon the advancing line; and 
being seconded by the infantry with the greatest 



15G MEMOIR OF 

firmness and a steady fire, the enemy were soon 
driven back with great loss to the position they 
occupied when Lee first advanced upon them in the 
morning." For this movement General Greene re- 
ceived warm praise — a striking instance of the in- 
stability of fortune ; for he did precisely what Lee 
had done in the morning, upon certainly not stronger 
grounds; and whilst he met with commendation, 
Lee was ruined. 

To enable an officer to distinguish himself above 
his fellows, where all do their duty, not only 
bravery and skill, but also opportunity are requi- 
site. In the battle of Monmouth, the last was 
unfortunately denied to General Muhlenberg. His 
brigade formed a part of the main line, and although 
his brave Virginians fought with their usual steadi- 
ness and gallantry, and although he himself dis- 
played the same skill and imi)etuous ardour which 
so highly distinguished him at Brandywine and 
Germantown, yet the actions of this particular 
body of troops were lost in those of the mass. 
That they did their whole duty, and nobly sustained 
the reputation won in the campaign of 1777, all 
accounts agree, but more cannot be claimed. Had 
the fortune of the day been with Ihcm, doubtless 



GENKRAL MUHLENBERG. 157 

tlie troops who saved the army at Brandy wine 
would have equalled their former deeds at Mon- 
mouth. Still their conduct was such as to win 
them the praise of their opponents; for an English 
account,"^ (after detailing the rout of Lee's com- 
mand,) in speaking of that portion of the army 
with which was Muhlenberg's brigade, says : 
" Their second line preserved a better countenance, 
and resisted a fierce and eager attack with great 
obstinacy," The account then goes on to state, 
that after being routed " they evinced a degree of 
recollection as well as resolution rarely found in 
taking up a third position, which they maintained." 
This is incorrect, for they never receded from the 
position in which they repulsed the enemy's repealed 
attacks. 

The engagement continued until night separated 
the combatants, and tlius ended the iiardfought 
and perhaps unnecessary battle of Monmouth. The 
enemy suffered more heavily than did the Ame- 
ricans, and at night withdrew from the field, 
having accomplished the design of protecting their 
train. The Americans gained the ground and the 
ground alone, although in another point of view, 
the result of the action was useful. It taught the 
14 



15S MEMOIR OF 

Continental troops the value of the discipline they 
had learned at Valley Forge, and as the victory 
was claimed with some appearance of plausibility, 
it served to strengthen the hopes and courage of 
the people at large. 

With the unfortunate dispule between General 
Lee and the Commander-in-chief this sketch has 
no connexion, although, perhaps, the writer may 
be allowed to express the opinion, that Lee was 
more culpable for his corresj)ondence after, than 
for his conduct duiing the action. This dispute, 
however, by engrossing the attention of the army 
and the public, has rendered all accounts of the 
action meagre and unsatisfactory. 

The victory at Monmouth drew from Congress 
resolutions thanking warmly the Commander and 
troops, and the former, in general orders, com- 
mended in the highest terms the good behaviour 
of both oflicers and men. 

Sir Henry Clinton, after remaining some days 
in the vicinity of Middletown, proceeded to Sandy 
Hook, and his army embarked for New York the 
day before the arrival of the French fleet, an event 
which would have cut oft^ their retreat, and per- 
haps eventuated in their entire destruction. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 159 

The American forces in the mean time proceeded 
to Brunswick, and from thence to Paramus, at 
which latter place a halt of a few days was made 
to recruit the troops. From thence they marched 
to the North River, the main body of the army 
halting at the White Plains. 

The force now concentrated at this place was 
the largest body of regular troops ever assembled 
under the American banner. It was reported at 
nearly seventeen thousand rank and file fit for 
duty ; and consequently a new arrangement of 
brigades became necessary.^^ That commanded 
by General Muhlenberg was composed of the 
regiments of Colonels Parker, Daviess, George 
Gibson, and Smith, and this arrangement was not 
changed whilst its commander remained in the 
North. 

The army maintained its position at the White 
Plains for several months, during which time 
nothing material occurred ; the unanimous opinion 
of a council of war having been against any attack 
on New York Island. General Muhlenberg was, 
however, assigned the command of a {)icked body 
of troops,"" a part of which were Morgan's rifle- 
men, and thrown forward in the direction of King's 



160 MEMOIR OF 

Bridge to cover the country and the camp. He 
several times advanced on the high grounds west 
of the Brunx River to the bridge itself, offering 
battle to the enemy's forces at that point, but they 
remained close within their entrenchments. The 
service was one of great danger, requiring un- 
ceasing vigilance and activity, but it was honour- 
ably and skilfully performed. 

Sir Henry Clinton despairing of effecting any- 
thing in the North, had determined upon a southern 
expedition, and the large preparations made for 
this object induced the belief that New York was 
to be evacuated, whilst the recent movement to- 
wards Rhode Island convinced the public mind 
that an eastern expedition was intended. This 
was not Washington's own opinion, although to 
be prepared, he removed his head-quarters to 
Fredericksburg, near the Connecticut line, and 
ordered the Virginia brigades, with some other 
portions of the army, to West Point. 

The state of public belief, however, rendered it 
necessary that the (luestion of a march to the 
Eastern States should be discussed, and the opi- 
nions of the general officers were desired. That of 
General Muhlenberg^'' is loo long for insertion; 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 161 

but the results arrived at show the correctness of 
his military judgment, and were borne out by the 
opinion of the Commander-in-chief, and the future 
conduct of the enemy. The following extract oc- 
curs in it: 

" The uncertainty of the enemy's real intention 
in transporting a part of their army from York to 
Rhode Island, renders it almost impossible in our 
present situation to judge with propriety in what 
manner their designs may or ought to be coun- 
teracted. 

" The object of their expedition must be either to 
reinforce the garrison, or bring them off, or per- 
haps they intend to try their fortune on the main, 
in the neighbourhood of Rhode Island, with the 
best part of their army. Either of these objects 
may be their aim ; but until it can be determined 
with some degree of certainty which of these they 
have in view, a movement of this army to the 
eastward might prove very prejudicial, especially 
if their object is either of the two first mentioned ; 
for they would have lime enough to take off the 
garrison, or compel General Sullivan to quit the 
Island, before we could possibly come to his assis- 
tance. As they have so great an advantage over 
14* 



162 MEMOIR OF 

US in transporting their troops by water, they 
might possibly find an opportunity to bring their 
whole force to act against this or any other state 
on the south side of the North River, and cut ofl' 
our communication with the Southern States, before 
we could be in a condition to prevent it. Should 
they accomplish this, besides other ruinous conse- 
quences, the army would be distressed for pro- 
visions. 

" From this I conceive that nothing could justify 
the march to the eastward at this time, except the 
army with General Sullivan was so entangled, that 
without the assistance of this army, they must fall 
into the hands of the enemy. Relative to an expe- 
dition against York Island, as I did not understand 
that your Excellency meant to make a serious 
impression, I can see no desirable object, except it 
is to make a diversion in favour of General Sul- 
livan ; but if he has left Rhode Island, that object 
vanishes of course. The enemy's works on this 
side of King's Bridge may probably be wrested 
from them by a coup-de-main, but even then the 
enemy would have the advantage. They would 
defend the works as long as they thought it advi- 
sable, and then retreat over the bridge, which we 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 163 

c^ould not prevent, so that we should only gain a 
post, with the loss of a number of men, which we 
would not care to occupy. 

" Upon the whole, I conceive, the post which the 
army at present occupies, is best calculated for a 
general plan of defence. We cover the communi- 
cations between the Eastern and Southern States, 
awe the enemy in New York and its dependencies, 
and can be ready at the shortest notice to march to 
the assistance of any state east or south, as the ope- 
rations of the enemy shall make it necessary." 

The same remarks will apply to General Muhlen- 
berg's opinion on the subject of the selection of 
winter quarters,^* which was given at New York 
under date of 16th October. In opposition to the 
general opinion that the army should be kept toge- 
ther, he recommended that the main body should 
be quartered at Fishkill, with three or four brigades 
advanced three days' march on the Boston Road, to 
be in readiness to act in conjunction with General 
Sullivan and the French fleet. Some brigades in 
the Jerseys to cover that state and the Highland 
posts, at the principal of which. West Point, a 
strong garrison should be posted, while the cavalry 
were sent into Jersey and Connecticut. " In this 



104 MEMOIR OF 

position," he says, " I presume \vc might be able to 
frustrate any designs the enemy might have upon 
either the fleet or tlie Highland posts, and at the 
same time be in the best possible situation to pro- 
vide for the army; but as it will be impossible to 
provide houses for all the troops at the different 
posts, and as it would be unadvisable to canton 
them about in the country, no time should be lost 
in providing materials for raising temporary bar- 
racks. Your Excellency will remember that last 
winter many inconveniences might have been pre- 
vented, and our quarters rendered much more com- 
fortable, if we could have begun upon them before 
the severity of the winter came on." This was 
almost precisely the arrangement afterwards adopt- 
ed by the Commander-in-chief with the utmost 
success for the purposes intended. 

The course of our narrative now leads us to a 
matter of more private importance to its subject 
than that immediately preceding. General Muhlen- 
berg was by no means a w^ealthy man, and his 
continuance in the army was at a great pecuniary 
sacrifice to himself. Since his first entry into the 
service, he had been so continually engaged in 
active service that his private affairs had been 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 



165 



entirely neglected. Under these circumstances he 
addressed the following letter to the Commander- 
in-chief. 

"WestPoint, Oct, 22d, 1778. 
" Sir, 

" As the present campaign seems nearly at an 
end, I must request your Excellency's permission to 
go to Virginia as soon as the troops go into winter 
quarters, in order to settle my affairs there. 

" I went to Virginia last winter for that purpose; 
but having received some intimation, on my way, 
at Yorktown, how the dispute between General 
Woodford and myself was like to be settled, I had 
no intention to continue in the service on those 
terms, but thought to return to Virginia immediate- 
ly, and should have done so if your Excellency had 
not thought it necessary for me to stay at that time, 
as no other general officer of the Virginia line was 
present. 

" I left my household furniture, stock, &c., in 
the glebe at Dunmore, which I rented for one year, 
from the 10th of January last, under the care of an 
overseer, who, I am informed, is gone on the Indian 
expedition, and the vestry likewise notify me that 



1(50 MEMOIR OF 

they wish my eftecls removed to make room for a 
minister. As the enemy have nearly broke me up 
in Philadelphia, I wish to save the little I have left 
in Virginia, as I could not in justice to my family 
continue in the service, unless I know them in some 
sort provided for. I do not, however, mean to ask 
permission to go, so long as your Excellency shall 
think my services wanted. 

" I have the honour to be 
" Your Excellency's 

" iMost obedient, humble servant, 

" P. Muhlenberg." 

To this he received the following reply, which 
prevented his leaving camp at this time. He cheer- 
fully ac(]uiesced in the decision o[' the Commander- 
in-chief, although in so doing he again sacrificed 
his private interests to the public good, 

"Head-quarters, Fretlerieksburgf, 2Sth Oct., 177S. 
" Dear Sir, 

« * * * 111 answer to yours of the "2'2i\, I can 
only say that it is my wish to accommodate every 
gentleman's situation in the army to his private 
atVairs, as far as 1 can do it consistently with that 



GENERAL MUIILENBEnc. 167 

duty which I owe to the pubUc, and to the trust 
which is reposed in me. General Woodford is 
already gone to Virginia, and by what I can learn, 
General Scott w^ill be obliged from some late do- 
mestic calamities either to go home for a time or 
resign, and if you go before a general officer re- 
turns to superintend the troops of the state, they 
will be left as they were last winter without a head, 
and will dwindle to nothing. 

" From the tenor of your letter I am pleased to 
find that you are determined to wait until the ser- 
vice will admit of your absence with convenience, 
and you may be assured (hat whenever that is the 
case, I shall give my consent to your visiting your 
family and friends. 

" I am, dear sir, 
" Your most obedient servant, 

" G. Wasuington." 

Whilst on the North River, General Muhlenberg 
was attached to the division commanded by Gene- 
ral Putnam, composed of his own and Woodford's 
brigades. In the early part of November, General 
Gates, who commanded at Hartford, was ordered 
to Boston, which made it neccssarv to send forward 



168 MEMOIR OF 

General Putnam to the former place. The com- 
mand of the division was therefore, on the 2d of 
November, assigned by the Commander-in-chief to 
General Muhlenberg, and in this responsible situa- 
tion he continued during the whole winter. 

The " Military Journal" of Dr. Thatcher, who, 
for a time held the post of surgeon to the first 
Virginia regiment. Colonel George Gibson, gives us 
much insight into the private life of the officers of 
the Revolutionary army at this time; and in good 
truth, they seem to have enjoyed themselves as 
much as their circumstances and privations would 
admit. The following extract"^ will, perhaps, be 
of some interest to the reader. 

" Nov. 3d, 1778. Robinson's House, West Point. 
Having made a visit to Fishkill, I returned in com- 
pany with Dr. Treat, our physician-general, and 
found a large number of gentlemen collected to 
partake of an entertainment, by invitation of Briga- 
dier-General IMuhlenberg, who occupies a room in 
our hospital. The guests consisted of forty-one 
respectable officers, and our tables wei'e furnished 
with fourteen different dishes, arranged in fashion- 
able style. After dinner, Major-General Putnam 
was requested to preside, and he displayed no less 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 169 

urbanity at the head of the table, than bravery at 
the head of his division. A number of toasts were 
pronounced, accompanied by humorous and merry 
songs. In the evening we were cheered with mili- 
tary music and dancing, which continued until a 
late hour in the night. 

" General Muhlenberg was the minister of a 
parish in Virginia, but participating in the spirit of 
the times, he exchanged the clerical profession for 
that of a soldier. Having in his pulpit inculcated 
the principles of liberty and the cause of his coun- 
try, he found no difficulty in enlisting a regiment, 
and was appointed their commander. He entered 
the pulpit with his sword and cockade, preached 
his farewell sermon, and the next day marched at 
the head of his regiment to join the army ; and he 
does honour to the military profession." 

This dinner was most probably given to General 
Putnam, on the occasion of his successor taking 
command. 

The army now prepared to go into winter quar- 
ters. The disposition of the troojDs was as follows. 
Three brigades were posted at Danbury in Con- 
necticut ; two near Fishkill ; one at West Point, 
Smith's Clove, and Elizabethiuwn, each ; and the 
If) 



170 MEMOIR OF 

remaining seven at Middlebrook, with the artillery 
near the latter place. The division commanded by 
General Muhlenberg was ordered to head-quarters 
at Middlebrook, and commenced its march from 
West Point on the 2Sth of November. When it 
arrived at the Scotch Plains, however, its progress 
was suddenly arrested. An express arrived order- 
ing General Muhlenberg to halt wdierever the order 
found him, disencumber himself of all heavy bag- 
gage, and return forthwith to the North River. 
This order was caused by a formidable movement 
of the enemy up that stream, to attack West Point, 
as w'as supposed. The division accomplished its 
march very rapidly, but the enemy returned again 
to New York. The Virginians retraced their steps, 
and finally arriv^ed at Middlebrook, where they 
erected huts for their accommodation, and re- 
mained during the whole winter. 

Despite their uncomfortable situation here, the 
camp seems to have been full of gaiety. Dr. 
Thatcher makes frequent mention of balls and 
dinner parties; and General Muhlenberg, whose 
natural disposition was extremely gay and sociable, 
appears to have been a prominent actor in all the 
amusements of the winter. On the New Year he 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 171 

gave a grand ball, which the Doctor thus describes:'"' 
"Jan. 1, 1779. Colonel Gibson made an entertain- 
ment, and invited all the officers of his regiment to 
dine at his quarters in the country, a short distance 
from camp. The table was amply furnished, and 
the guests did not separate till evening, when we 
were requested to resort to General Muhlenberg's 
quarters. Here we were introduced to a number 
of ladies assembled to unite with the gentlemen in 
the ball-room. A very elegant supper was provided, 
and not one of the company were permitted to re. 
tire until three o'clock in the morning. Thus have 
the gallant Virginians commenced the new year." 

The army remained in quarters at Middlebrook 
until the 2d of June ; but during this time, beyond 
the usual duties of a camp, nothing occurred of 
sufficient interest to render it worthy of comme- 
moration. 

In the mean time, General Washington had been 
in consultation with Congress, and the result of 
their deliberations made the plan for the ensuing 
campaign entirely defensive in its character. Very 
little being attempted, the year '79 furnishes but 
scanty materials for this sketch. 

The long inactivity of the winter had as usual 



172 MEMOIR OF 

diminished the rank and file of the army ; and in 
May its reorganization became essential. Several 
of the regiments had been so much weakened that 
it was necessary to unite them to make the brigades 
at all efficient. In Muhlenberg's, the first and tenth 
were so united, and Colonel Gist's regiment added; 
so that the brigade now consisted of these corps, 
the sixth, and first and second state regiments, all 
Virginians. 

Sir Henry Clinton in the mean time, after the 
return of his detached parties from the south and 
east, moved up the North River in great force, in- 
tending to take the posts of Stony Point and Ver- 
planck's Point, and if possible attempt the Highland 
forts themselves. This caused the concentration 
of the American army: the encampment at Middle- 
brook was suddenly broken up, and on the 2d of 
June the troops commenced their advance by forced 
marches. General Muhlenberg's brigade formed a 
part of the advance division ; and the whole right 
wing, under command of General Putnam, was 
united at Smith's Clove. The position of the Ame- 
rican army was now so easily defended, that Sir 
Henry Clinton relinquished the latter part of his 
project, leaving adequate garrisons in the two cap- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 173 

tured posts of Stony Point and Verplanck's Point. 
Dr. Thatcher says that the American position was 
deemed so strong, that the wish for an attack from 
the enemy was generally expressed by the officers. 
The various marauding parties of the enemy, 
who had ravaged the coast with fire and sword, 
had excited the indignation of the people in the 
highest degree, and the reproaches at the inactivity 
of the army were universal. The Commander-in- 
chief thus found it necessary to depart from his 
defensive plan for the moment, to strike some bril- 
liant blow, which should at once awe the enemy 
and appease the general discontent. The object 
selected was Stony Point : the officers detailed for ^ 
this delicate duty were Generals Wayne and Muh- / 
lenberg ; the former with a picked body of men to 
make the attack, and the latter with his brigade to 
cover and support the former. The following is an 
extract from the letter of the Commander-in-chief 
upon the occasion : — *' This day, General Wayne 
marched down towards Stony Point, to take a view 
of the enemy, and if occasion offered, to attempt 
something serious. I therefore wish you to put 
your brigade in motion about midnight, and march 
15* 



174 MEMOIR OF 

that way, in order to act as his situation may make 
it necessary. You will make your movements as 
secret as possible, and march perfectly light, taking 
such of your guards as may be in your route with 
you. You shall hear from me when to return, un- 
less the enterprise should prove unsuccessful, in 
which case you will return to your present post." 
But it did not fail. It was carried out as gallantly 
as it was skilfully planned, and General Wayne 
richly deserved the honours heaped upon him for 
the exploit. It was not General Muhlenberg's good 
fortune to be engaged in the assault itself, the duty 
assigned him being of a different nature, far less 
brilliant, but equally necessary. Wayne in his 
report said: — "Previous to my marching, I had 
drawn General Muhlenberg into my rear, who 
with three hundred men of his brigade took post on 
the opposite side of the marsh, and was to be in 
readiness either to support me, or cover a retreat in 
case of accident ; and I have not the least doubt of 
his faithfully and effectually executing either, had 
there been an occasion for it." The glory of the 
assault was entirely with General Wayne ; but still 
it was no mean compliment to the military character 
of any officer, to be selected by the Commander-in- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 175 

chief out of the whole army as second in command 
of such an expedition. 

During the whole of this year, General Muhlen- 
herg was almost constantly engaged in what was 
termed " the arrangement of the Virginia line."^* 
In the first instance, commissions had been very 
loosely issued, in a manner at variance with all the 
general rules on the subject of promotions. This 
evil had gone on increasing until it had reached its 
height ; the whole line was thrown into confusion, 
and disputes as to rank were constantly arising. 
To ascertain and place each officer in the rank he 
should have held, was the object of this arrange- 
ment ; and considering the number of disputes, the 
task was truly herculean. Upon General Muhlen- 
berg fell the principal portion of the labour, and his 
correspondence upon the subject with the Com- 
mander-in-chief covers many pages. In the fall 
of this year, however, he had the satisfaction of 
seeing it finally arranged, giving general satisfac- 
tion; and in September the new commissions, dated 
in accordance with its recommendations, were 
issued. 

He was also, in conjunction with Generals Greene, 
Sterling, St. Clair, De Kalb, Knox, and Woodford, 



176 MEMOIR OF 

appointed upon a Board, the object oi' which was 
to arrange the Maryland Hnc, and settle the dis- 
putes which a similar looseness in granting com- 
missions had originated there. 

\n the early part of December the campaign 
closed, and the main army, with which was Muh- 
lenberg's brigade, went into winter quarters at 
Morristovvn. 

The southern expedition of the enemy, heretofore 
alluded to, had been detained thus long at New 
York by a concurrence of adverse circumstances, 
but in this month it sailed for the southward. This, 
added to other indications, showed that the main 
seat of the war was hereafter to be transferred to 
the South ; and on the 14th, the whole Virginia line 
was ordered to that portion of the continent. Gene- 
ral Muhlenberg was directed to take command of, 
and accompany these troops to the South, an order 
which would have ended his career by consigning 
him to a British prison-ship, for the whole Virginia 
line were afterwards made prisoners at the capitu- 
lation of Charleston, Generals Woodford and Scott 
being among the captives. His destination was, 
however, changed by a subsequent order, which 
directed him to proceed to Virginia and assume 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 177 

the chief command of that state. He left camp 
immediately for Philadelphia, but did not commence 
his journey south until the following Februar3^ 

A new and different career now awaited him. 
To trace his conduct therein will be the object of 
the next chapter. 



178 MKMOIR Ol' 



CHAPTER VI. 

Condition of Virginia — Weakness of the South — Importance of 
the Duties assigned Him — Support of the Southern Army — 
Defence of the State — His Journey — Deficiency of Munitions 
of War — Small Number of Troops — Conscription Law pro- 
posed — Letter from General Washington — His Reply — Cap- 
tivity of the Virginia Line — Great Exertions necessary — Reor- 
ganization of the Virginia Line — General Washington's Letter 
— Arrival and Departure of General Gates — Condition of Troops 
in Virginia — Sends Reinforcements to General Gates — Diffi- 
culty of equipping them — (Jeneral Leslie invades Virginia — 
General 3Iuhlenberg marches against tlie Enemy — His strength 
— Letter to General Gates — His Army reinforced to Five 
Tiiousand Men — Deficiency in Artillery — Project of capturing 
the Enemy by Aid of the French Fleet — The British rc-embark 
— Volunteers and Militia discharged — General Order — Letter 
to the Board of War. 

General Muhlenberg had thus far, whilst acting 
with the main army, won for himself the reputation 
of a gallant and skilful oiricer. He had, however, 
durinji the whole of this time acted in a subordinate 
capacity ; and although to his own exertions the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 179 

high state of disciphne in liis brigade was to be 
attributed, yet nevertheless he had enjoyed the 
good fortune of commanding the choice troops of 
the army. With such means in his hands, it is 
not wonderful that he achieved great results, and 
gained high distinction on the bloody days of 
Brandywine and Gcrmantown. For the future 
all this was to be changed. Holding a separate 
command, in which important duties devolved 
upon him, he was obliged lo rely entirely upon 
himself. The shattered remnant of the Virginia 
line, having marched under General Woodford to 
the aid of General Lincoln, were captured when 
Charleston fell, and he therefore entered upon his 
new command witiiout a single regiment, and 
almost destitute of the necessary munitions of 
war. In this condition of things he was obliged, 
out of the resources of his command, first to raise, 
equip, and discipline an army for the defence of a 
state, upon which an attack might be daily ex- 
pected. The success with which he |)erformed 
his part of this herculean labour is evidenced by 
the numerous body of troops who afterwards, under 
the command of Lafayette, joined the Commander- 
in-chief before the entrenchments of Yorktown. 



180 MEMOIR OF 

The reasons which induced the enemy to transfer 
the war to tlie southward are most apparent. In 
the North they had constantly met with either 
defeat, or so determined a resistance, as to render 
their victories barren. The South, on the con- 
trary, whilst the richest was at the same time the 
weakest part of the confederacy, large districts 
teeming with the rankest disaflection to the cause 
of the Continent. These reasons, together with 
the despair of accomplishing anything in the North, 
had the year previous induced Sir Henry Clinton 
to despatch several expeditions to that quarter of 
the Confederation. The result of their operations 
at Charleston and Savannah, and especially the 
expedition of General Matthews, who with a com- 
mand of two thousand men had made a descent 
upon Virginia, ravaging, burning, and plundering 
the whole seaboard without opposition, convinced 
the British ministry that much was to be hoped 
from active operations on a large scale in the 
Southern States. Against Virginia their hostility 
was particularly directed ; for, in the language of 
Colonel Lee,"- " They viewed the destruction of 
the resources of the commonwealtii of "\''irginia, 
as cutting up by the roots all resistance in the 



(tKNKKAL :\IUHT,EM?EnG. 181 

South." Such in truth it was. The Carolinas 
and Georgia were overran with Tories, and in 
their distracted and divided state, nothing was to 
be hoped from their (nvn resources. In Virginia 
alone could the troops and stores necessary to save 
the South be raised; and if the enemy deemed 
"the breaking up of Virginia a primary object,""' 
as they did, its safety and preservation were held 
to be of equal importance by the (^ommander-in- 
chief and Congress. 

This important command was assigned to General 
Muhlenberg. At the close of the campaign of 
1779, he had received a furlough for the purpose 
of visiting his Aimiiy, which causes heretofore 
detailed had prevented him from doing since his 
return from Carolina. Whilst in Philadelphia, on 
his way to Virginia, however, his joiu'ney was 
arrested by the Board of War, who ordered him 
to Richmond. His principal duties were briefly 
these: to superintend the collection of troops, pro- 
visions, and munitions of war for the southern 
armies, in such a manner as to keep them con- 
stantly effective, and if any hostile attempt should 
be made on Virginia, to assume the command of 
all forces necessary for its defence. The first of 
16 



1S2 MEMOIR OF 

these, although not attended by any briUiant mihlary 
display, was one of the most important duties which 
could be assigned to any officer. Virginia was the 
sreat storehouse of the South, but her resources, 
unless properly managed by military experience 
and sound judgment, and directed steadily to one 
great object, would have been frittered away in 
disconnected and ill-digested eflbrts. The constant 
intercourse necessaiy between the general and the 
civil officers of the state, rendered the task one of 
great delicacy, the more especially as in that day 
the powers of neither were very distinctly dehned, 
and consequently much jealousy of the military 
force existed. This cause rendered Steuben's 
command, who in the year following succeeded 
General Muhlenberg, a scene of constant strife ;'* 
and even General Greene was several times seriously 
embroiled with the authorities of Carolina. But 
still the task was most necessary. Charleston was 
invested, and shortly afterwards fell, leav-ing the 
whole South without a force anywhere to arrest 
the enemy's progress. The advance of the new 
southern army under General Gates was already 
resolved upon ; but without the aid of large bodies 
of troops and supplies from Virginia, it would have 



GENEKAL MUHLENBEUci. 183 

been unable to take the field. To organize and 
prepare all these means \^as a task ot' no iritlinjr 
ditiicnlty. 

But whilst doing all this, the defence of the state 
Nvas to be cared for most vigilantly. Neither Con- 
gress nor the Comniander-in-chief supposed, that the 
enemy having the command at sea, would see this 
constant stream of men and supplies coming to our 
southern army, without making a serious attempt 
to cut it ofl' at its source. The geographical position 
of Virginia, penetrated in all directions by large bays 
and navigable streams, rendered its attack peculiarly 
easy. Its defence therefore required an of^cer of 
great military skill : and General Muhlenberg was 
even required first to raise the troops with which 
to defend his command, for the Commander-in- 
chief could not spare him even a single regiment 
of regulars. His selection for this duty may there- 
fore be considered a high compliment, not only 
from Congress but from General Washington. 

The necessary preparations to be made detained 
him in Philadelphia until the 24th of February, 
when he wrote to General Washington that on the 
day following he should start for Virginia, and be 
happy to receive his orders at Fredericksburg or 



184 iMEMoiii oy 

Williamsburg. The uiicoiiimon severity ol' llic 
season," however, frustrated the various attempts 
he made to commence his journey, and it was 
not until the 10th of March that he was fairly 
on the road. He was accompanied by his Brigade- 
Major Mitchell, and others of his military family ; 
and in the early part of April arrived at Richmond, 
the journey having occupied nearly a month. Its 
severity may be judged of by the fact, that the 
General lost three horses, one of which, he writes, 
cost him twenty thousand dollars ! 

Having reached his point of destination, he 
immediately conmienced making the necessary 
preparations for performing the duties assigned 
him. Throughout the state everything was in the 
utmost confusion. They were destitute of arms 
and the munitions of war; their recruiting system 
had fallen into such disrepute, that the Legislature 
was debating the necessity of a conscription law ; 
their whole line, with the exception of a single 
regiment stationed at Fort Pitt, was shut up in 
Charleston, with scarcely a possibility of escape 
from the hands of the enemy; and in addition to 
all this, (lie depreciation of the currency was such 
that the Continental treasury was bankrupt, and 



GENEllAL mUIlLENBEKG. 185 

lliat ut" thu state it)' a condition not much l)cttcr. 
Under these gloomy circumstances the Old Dominion 
was required to furnish the means of reconquering 
the Southern States and at the same time to defend 
herself from an invasion which might be expected 
at any moment. It M'as one of the darkest periods 
of the Revolution. 

But the destinies ol" Virginia at this time were 
most fortunately committed to the hands of statesmen 
who were capable of rising above even such emer- 
gencies. Thomas Jeiferson, who had resigned Iiis 
place in Congress, was seated in the gubernatorial 
chair, and acting with his usual energy and deci- 
sion, he placed the whole resources of the state at 
the disposal of the military commandant, aiding 
him by every means in his power. This happy 
agreement between the military and civil power, 
caused many difficulties to disappear which other- 
wise might have proved highly detrimental to the 
common cause. Perhaps the fact of General Muh- 
lenberg being a Virginian, and in the captivity of 
General Woodford the commanding officer of all 
the troops of that state, contributed somewhat to 
this result ; for certain it is that difficulties of this 
10* 



18G MEMOIR OF 

kind were among the greatest troubles ol" Baron 
Steuben, his successor in the command. 

General Muhlenberg's first object was to ascer- 
tain precisely the present condition of ati'airs con- 
nected with his new duties. For this purpose he 
proceeded from Williamsburg to Richmond, at 
which latter place he met Governor Jeflerson, who 
furnished him with the desired information. From 
this letter it appeared that voluntary enlistments 
were the only means o\ filling the ranks of the 
Virginia line then authorized by law, and that the 
only corps then in the state were the first and 
second state regiments and Colonel Harrison's artil- 
lery. The latter had been " considerably recruit- 
ed.'' but the men of the two former were absent on 
furlough, there being no money in the treasury to 
pay or re-enlist them. There were some few 
draughted soldiers in different parts of the country, 
but in the language of the letter, " they are so 
few. so dispersed, and enlisted for so short a time, 
that we have not thought them worth the ex- 
pense of gathering up." This was all the military 
material then existing in the state of Virginia, al- 
though it is true, that as Charleston had not yet 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 



187 



I'allen, the necessity lor exertion was not so great 
as ii subsequently became. Even this force was 
then under orders tVom the Board ot' War to pro- 
ceed to the southward by companies, as rapidly as 
collected. 

The plan of relying entirely upon voluntary enlist- 
ments General Muhlenberg soon discovered would 
prove ineflectual. In a letter to the Board of War, 
dated Fredericksburg, April 15th, 1780, he writes 
that "the numbers collected are small, and the otficer 
appointed by the government of the state to collect 
them will, I am apt to believe, meet with little suc- 
cess. Several gentlemen of consequence inform 
me that if it should appear that recruits cannot be 
raised by voluntary enlistment, a draft will be pro- 
posed by the next Assembly, who meet in May." 
This is the first shadowing forth of the conscription 
law afterwards enacted, a measure which was most 
warmly urged by General Muhlenberg, whose in- 
fluence was highly instrumental in procuring its 
passage. Without it the state would have remain- 
ed entirely defenceless, and must have fallen at the 
first blow. 

The following letter from General Washington 
and its reply will show how utterly disorganized 



18S 



MEMOIR OF 



every branch of the service in Virginia was, but at 
the same time they exhibit a considerable improve- 
ment in tlie prospects tor tlie future. The work, 
however, was evidently commenced at the begin- 
ning. 

"Head-quarters, Morristown, April 20tJi, 17S0. 
" Dear Sir, 

" I duly received your letter of the 24th of Feb- 
ruary from Philadelphia, when you were on the 
point of leaving it, with the copy of instructions 
from the Board of War to which you refer. The 
business which they have mentioned to employ 
your attention is very interesting, and in this view 
I persuade myself that every reasonable exertion 
will be used, as fiir as it may depend on you to 
promote it. I do not know what measures the 
state is pursuing to place their line on a more re- 
spectable footing than it is at present; however I 
suppose, in consequence of the late requisition of 
Congress, and the necessity of the case, they are 
doing something. 

"In fixing on places of rendezvous for the recruits 
and drafts, regard should be had to their probable 
future destination and their health. The destination 
from present appearances will be to the southward, 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 189 

and therefore the more conveniently they can ren- 
dezvous to the communications leading that way, 
the better. But Petersburg, iVom its usual un- 
healthines.s, should not by any means be appointed 
for them to assemble at. It has already proved 
the grave of too many. * * * 

" As the recruits and drafts come in, you will 
have them formed into companies immediately, and 
proper attention paid to their discipline, and when- 
ever they amount to fifty strong they are to march 
to join the troops of the state at the southward. 
This is to be the case from time to time as often as 
tliey make this number, unless orders are received 
to the contrary, and whenever the detachments 
amount to one hundred and fifty, a field officer 
should proceed. That I may know how to direct 
matters with the more propriety, you will not fail 
to inform me of the places of rendezvous you ap- 
point, and transmit me by every fortnight's post a 
particular statement of the recruits or drafts that 
assemble. Your attention will be extended to hav- 
ing the old soldiers collected who were furloughed, 
and who have not joined their regiments. 

''I have been informed that there are many de- 
serters in the state, and that possibly a good many 



190 MEMOIR OF 

ot" them would come in if tiiey were not afraid of 
being punished. You shall hear from me on this 
subject by the first post after I know the places j'ou 
appoint for the rendezvous of recruits, &c., which 
you cannot be too early in communicating, 

*' The officers in the state will in all probability 
want their pay. I really do not know, in the present 
deranged situation of our treasury, and from their 
remoteness, how they will get it. 

" Perhaps by transmitting an abstract of their 
names and rank, and the regiments to which they 
belong, to the Honourable the Board of War, with 
whom, by their instructions, you are to correspond, 
it may be in their power to have the matter put in 
such a train that it may be obtained. 

•' I am, dear sir, &c., 
" G. Washington." 

"Fredericksburg, May 8tl), 1780. 
" Sir, 

" I was honoured with your Excellency's favour 
of the 20th April, by the last post, and have carried 
ihc orders into execution as far as possible. 

" I am sorry it is not in my power to give your 
Excellency a more favourable account of the situa- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 191 

tion of aflairs here, relative to the recruits and 
drafts. On my arrival in Virginia I found the 
Governor was absent from Williamsburg, on a visit 
to Albemarle, but was expected in a short time 
either at Williamsburg or Richmond. I waited on 
him at the last place in the beginning of April, pro- 
duced my instructions from the Board of War, and 
agreeably to those instructions, requested his advice, 
which I received in writing. Finding that little 
could be expected from the drafts, and that there 
was no money in the treasury to carry on the re- 
cruiting business properly, I wrote to the Honour- 
able the Board of War, at Philadelphia, enclosed a 
copy of the Governor's letter, and requested further 
instructions, but have not yet received an answer. 

" On the 20th of April, I wrote to the Governor, 
proposing Rocky Ridge, a town opposite Rich- 
mond, for the place of general rendezvous, and 
Winchester and Fredericksburg as posts for the 
recruits to collect in small numbers. I further 
proposed, as there was a favourable prospect of 
recruiting, (one officer having enlisted near thirty 
in this town in a short time,) that I should call in 
all the officers of the Virginia line on Continental 
establishment, who w^erc at present oft' duty, appoint 



19*2 MEMOIU OF 

their districts, and send them out to recruit and 
collect the deserters, provided the treasury could 
furnish the money. I received the Governors 
answer on the 1st of JMay, approving my proposals 
as far as related to the recruiting business, but 
objecting to having Rocky Ridge appointed for the 
general rendezvous, it being unhealthy, and too 
near the seat of government, and proposed Chester- 
field as a healthy and convenient situation. This 
place I have accordingly appointed for the general 
rendezvous, and have now by advertisement order- 
ed the otRcers to assemble at this place immediately 
to receive money and recruiting instructions, and 1 
flatter myself they will have more success than was 
at first anticipated. 

" Before the receipt of your Excellency's letter, 
I had already written to the State Board of War. 
requesting the removal of the sick tVoni Petersburg 
to Rocky Ridge, or some other convenient and 
healthy place. '' * '^ 

*'As soon as the otHcers are assembled, I shall 
send a return of what pay is due them to the Board 
of War,, unless your Excellency should think ii 
more convenient for them to draw their pay in the 
stale, as the Governor has been pleased to promise 



GEiNERAL MUHLENBERG. 193 

his assistance, if necessary. In his last letter ho 
writes: — 'As to the pay of the otiicers left in this 
state, the poverty of the Continental treasury shall 
not prevent their receiving it, if you will procure 
authority for them to apply to the general pay- 
master, or any other single person, whose receipt 
shall be so authenticative as to vouch our paying 
him moneys for that purpose, and charging them to 
the Continent.' 

" The last authentic accounts we have from 
Charleston, are of the 17th of April, when every- 
thing was safe. The town was summoned on the 
10th. Both the summons and answer are in toun, 
but I could not procure them, else should have 
transmitted them to your Excellency. * * * 
" T have the honour to be, &c., 

" P. Muhlenberg." 

Bad as these letters represent the state of things, 
there is still an evident improvement from General 
Muhlenberg's former accounts. The recruiting 
officers had been able to make some progress; and 
as the state treasury had now available funds, which 
the Governor was willing should be advanced to 
the empty military chest, preparations for enlist- 
17 



194 MEMOIR OF 

ment were made on a much larger scale. The 
pay of the oflicers, too, was secured, although from 
the conclusion of General Washington's letter, their 
prospect of getting it at that time was extremely 
dubious, to say the least. 

But the political horizon was soon overshadowed 
by darker clouds than before. On the 12th of May 
Charleston capitulated, and the entire southern army 
became prisoners of war. Upon Virginia the blow 
was especially severe, for the whole of the Virginia 
line, with the exception of such officers as were 
absent from their regiments, shared the same fate. 
Thus this fine body of veterans, whom it had taken 
years to form, were now rendered useless, and the 
small command of General Muhlenberg was the 
only organized Continental force in the Southern 
States. 

Great exertions now became necessary. General 
Gates was appointed the new commander of the 
southern department, and was advancing with a 
considerable body of Continentals, principally com- 
posed of the Maryland and Delaware lines. This 
army, however, was to be supplied from Virginia, 
and joined by the militia of that state. The sup- 
plies absolutely necessary were yet to be procured ; 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 195 

i 

and General Muhlenberg's correspondence with the 
Commander-in-chief and Congress is filled with 
representations of his wants, which were sometimes', 
complied with; but generally he was forced to make • 
the best of the resources in his power. In one letter 
he states that a considerable portion of the troops 
at Chesterfield were unable to appear on parade, on 
account of iheir naked state.'''' 

Another great work was now rendered necessary 
by the captivity of the Virginia troops. That line 
was to be reformed, and its ranks refilled, or in other 
words, a new army was to be raised, officered, dis- 
ciplined, and equipped. It was the doing over the 
same thing which had been done at the commence- 
ment of the Revolution, but under very different 
circumstances. Then the regiments were filled 
easily, bht now the length of the war and experi- 
ence of the privations of a soldier's life, rendered 
men very unwilling to step forward, even in such a 
crisis. 

The immediate superintendence of raising the 
new Virginia regiments naturally fell to General 
Muhlenberg, he being now their conmianding officer. 
He immediately pressed upon the I-.egislature the 
passage of a bill raising five thousand new levies 



190 MEMOIR OF 

by conscription, and giving the Commander-in-chief 
accurate returns of the officers and men of the old 
regiments then in the state, suggested a plan which, 
with some modifications, was afterwards adopted. 
The correspondence between General Washington 
and himself upon this subject is quite lengthy, but 
would prove uninteresting to the reader, as it is 
principally filled with details of the plan, and ac- 
counts of the difficulties to be overcome. The 
Commander-in-chief, however, took great interest 
in General Muhlenberg's success, evidently con- 
sidering it of the last importance that these troops 
should be raised and rendered effective as rapidly 
as possible. The following extract from a letter to 
General Muhlenberg, dated July 18, 1780, shows 
the manner in which he wrote of it : 

" I have now only to entreat that you will use 
every possible exertion to collect and form the 
drafts, and have them disciplined. I entreat this, — 
I expect it of all the officers. They will remember 
that the forming of a new army, or at least of a 
whole state line, and fitting it for the field, devolves 
in a great measure upon them ; and as it shall act, 
so in a great degree will be their reputation. They 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 197 

have a glorious opportunity to signalize themselves, 
and I doubt not they will avail themselves of the 
occasion. The crisis is a most interesting one ; 
and on your and their exertions, and the discipline 
and bravery of the troops, great and early events 
may much depend. You will let me hear from 
you by every week's post, how matters go on, and 
will transmit me the number of drafts collected from 
time to time, and of the old soldiers, if any. 

" I am, dear sir, &c." 

The bill, after some considerable delay, finally 
passed, but the number of levies was reduced to 
three thousand. The plan of reorganization" was 
briefly this. The following colonels, Febiger of 
the second, Greene of the sixth, Morgan of the 
seventh, Wood of the eighth. Gist of the ninth, 
Daviess of the tenth, and Buford of the eleventh, 
were not prisoners. The remaining oflicers were 
divided among these corps, and each was to receive 
an equal portion of the drafts, which with the old 
soldiers already collected at Chesterfield, would 
make each regiment five hundred strong. The 
regiments were to be completed in the order of 
their numbers, and as soon as filled were to be pre- 
17* 



198 MEMOIR OF 

pared to take the field with the utmost rapidity. 
The bill passed on the 1st of August; and so prompt 
and energetic were the measures of General Muh- 
lenberg, that on the first of the next month, several 
of the regiments were filled and in a tolerable state 
of discipline. His difficulties, arising from the want 
of stores, had been somewhat diminished, although 
still sufficiently great. Finding that his written 
representations to Congress produced no effect, he 
despatched Colonel Febiger to Philadelphia, who 
by personal solicitation procured a moderate supply 
of arms, clothing, &c., for his General. 

In the early part of July, General Gates arrived at 
Fredericksburg, and after a short delay, proceeded 
to join the southern army, then at Hillsboro, N. C. 
As commander of the southern department. General 
Muhlenberg for the future reported to him as well 
as to the Commander-in-chief, although, as the des- 
tination of General Gates was South Carolina, he 
still retained his separate command in Virginia. 
The same thing occurred in the follow'ing year, 
when Lafayette, then commanding that state, re- 
ported to General Greene as the successor of Gene- 
ral Gates. 

About this time much alarm was occasioned bv 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 



199 



the appearance of a British fleet off the coast ; but 
the formidable approach of the conqueror of Sara- 
toga obhged the enemy to concentrate their force 
to oppose him. Virginia was therefore spared for 
the present, and its commandant permitted to devote 
his whole energies to the reorganization of the state 
Hne, and to the collection and forwarding of men 
and supplies to General Gates, who on his departure 
had taken with him the greater part of the force 
before collected. 

On the 21st of July, General Gates wrote from 
Hillsborough to General Muhlenberg, pressing him 
to send on immediate reinforcements of the regular 
troops then at his disposal. Without waiting for 
their arrival, he continued his march to the South, 
and at Camden the army from which the country 
expected so much, was almost entirely destroyed. 
This calamity made redoubled exertion necessary 
in Virginia. 

The reply to General Gates's letter, dated August 
19th, shows some of the almost insuperable diffi- 
culties under which General Muhlenberg laboured. 
It states that the orders were received on the 3d, 
and that since that time, the utmost exertions have 



200 MEMOIR OF 

been used to equip three hundred and fifty men, 
under Colonel Buford, but that they are still without 
blankets and knapsacks, that no stores have yet ar- 
rived from the North, nor can he hear of any being 
on the way. In a letter to General Washington he 
uses the following language : " The whole of the 
old soldiers at Chesterfield (except the state regi- 
ments and some convalescents) are at present 
formed into five companies of sixty men each. 
They would have gone on before this time, but 
there is a total want of everything necessary to fit 
them for the field. There are neither teams, tents, 
nor blankets, and it is but a few days since we 
have been able to procure arms fit for service. 
The two state regiments, by an order of the Gover- 
nor and Council, remain at Petersburg, where they 
are to be equipped for the field ; they have continued 
there until they are reduced to forty-two men fit 
for duty !" The following letter sent with the de- 
tachment completes the picture. Some of the 
stores forwarded by Colonel Febiger had arrived ; 
and it is a matter of amazement that without them 
the General had been enabled to hold the command 
together for such a length of time. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 201 

"Petersburg, Aug. 26tli, 1780. 
" Dear General, 

" The day before yesterday Colonel Senft' and 
Major M'Gill arrived at Richmond, and brought an 
account of the disaster that had befallen the south- 
ern army. I wish it were in my power to give you 
some comfortable accounts from this quarter. I 
have, since the time I received your orders to send 
on the troops, used my utmost endeavours to equip 
them with only linen clothes and a pair of shoes 
per man, but have not been able to accomplish it 
until this day. 

"To-morrow morning Colonel Buford will march 
from this place with three hundred and fifty men, 
for Hillsborough, well armed, and I hope I shall 
have it in my power to send in a party every week. 
Thirty-five hundred stand of arms, and one hundred 
and eighty boxes of musket cartridges, have arrived 
at Fredericksburg, with other military stores, and 
I have ordered all the wagons in that neighbour- 
hood to be pressed, in order to bring them on. A 
wagon-load of entrenching tools will likewise set 
out from Richmond for Hillsborough this week. 
" I am, dear General, 

" With great respect, &c. 

" P. Muhlenberg." 



202 MEMOIR OF 

General Muhlenberg continued forwarding troops 
to Hillsborough as rapidly as they could be equip- 
ped. The week following the march of Colonel 
Buford, another detachment of three hundred men, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Webb, was despatched, 
and some weeks later an entire regiment proceeded 
in the same direction. By dint of great exertion 
three more regiments were ready to take the field 
by the middle of October, but their march was pre- 
vented by occurrences which will be hereafter 
detailed. The following extract from a letter to 
General Washington, dated August 24th, will give 
the reader some idea of the difficulties under which 
these troops were got ready for the field. 

" The detachment at Chesterfield court-house, 
composed of old soldiers, recruits, and deserters, 
amounting to three hundred rank and file fit for 
duty, are at length in readiness to march, and will 
set out this week to join the southern army, agree- 
ably to the orders I received from General Gates. 
It was with the utmost difficulty we could procure 
the most necessary articles to equip them for the 
field. They have no tents, but they are well armed, 
and most of them have blankets and knapsacks. 

" The new levies are beginning to assemble from 
the counties nearest the rendezvous, but in what 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 203 

manner they are to be equipped for the field is a 
niystery to me. I flattered myself from the pro- 
mises I had received that the most necessary arti- 
cles would be furnished by the state, but my hopes 
are cut short by the answer I received a few days 
ago from the Governor and Council to my requisi- 
tion. They say * the commissary of stores has 
attended the Board this morning, and informed 
them that he is not at present prepared to furnish 
any tents, blankets, or clothing, for the new levies, 
and whether he will be better enabled in time to 
come, depends entirely upon some lucky arrivals, a 
circumstance too precarious to reckon upon. This 
matter is mentioned to you, sir, that you may lose 
no time in making the application to the Board of 
War at Philadelphia, as was intimated in your 
letter.' " 

General Washington's reply to the above did not 
convey much hope that the prospect for the future 
would be better. He says, " The late unfortunate 
stroke to the southward will render the exertions of 
the state, and of every individual, more than com- 
monly necessary. I trust that nothing will be left 
undone on your part to collect the levies, arrange 
them, and procure arms and clothing for them. 



204 MEMOIR OF 

The last two I fear will be attended with great diffi- 
culty, as a very small part of either, expected from 
France, have arrived in the Alliance frigate at 
Boston." 

The following letter from General Gates shows 
how badly he bore and how quickly he rid himself 
of like troubles. General Muhlenberg had thus far 
collected all the newly raised troops at Chesterfield, 
where he kept them until they were in some sort 
equipped for the field. The Governor, however, in 
opposition to the General's advice, had ordered a 
part of the recruits to rendezvous at General Gates's 
head-quarters, which produced the following letter 
to General Muhlenberg. 

» Hillsborougli, Oct. 12th, 1780. 
" Dear General, 

"More of the eighteen months' men from the 
adjacent counties in Virginia keep pouring upon 
me, with neither clothes, blankets, arms, nor accou- 
trements. Such a naked rabble only increase dis- 
tress, and can be of no service ; I have nothing to 
supply them with here. I desire you, or the state, 
will take some measures to prevent this evil for the 
future. If they could come clothed, even to Taylor's 



(GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 205 

Ferry, there are arms sufficient at that post to supply 
them, but not here. How does your business go 
forward, and when may I expect a reinforcement 
from you ? I congratulate you on the great news I 
now send by this express to the Governor. 
" I am, dear sir, 

" Your aflcctionatc, humble servant, 

" Horatio Gates." 

Thus far the state of Virginia had escaped the 
ravages of war, but the attack had been merely 
postponed, not abandoned. Lord CornwalHs, re- 
lieved from his difficulties by the victory at Cam- 
den, could sustain himself, and even despatch a fine 
body of troops under Colonel Ferguson in that 
direction ; at the same time an expedition, about 
three thousand strong, was fitted out at New York, 
and under the command of General Leslie, sailed 
for Virginia. From this time henceforth this state 
was to be the scene of active hostilities, the enemy 
remaining quiet in the North, but devoting all their 
energies to '* the primary object, the breaking up of 
Virginia." 

The enemy's fleet, consisting of about sixty sail, 
entered ihe mouth of James River on the 15th of 
18 



206 MEMOIR OF 

October, and immediately commenced disembark- 
ing its land forces in the vicinity of Portsmouth. 
The news of the invasion was carried by express to 
the Governor, who called General Muhlenberg to 
the command of the state forces,''^ assisted by 
Generals Weedon of the line, and Nelson and Ste- 
vens of the militia. The necessity of the case 
obliged the commanding General to use the troops 
he had collected for General Gates to ward off this 
new blow, and accordingly, the regiments then at 
Chesterfield became the nucleus of the new army. 
The enemy thus succeeded in accomplishing one of 
their objects, the cutting off of the stream of men 
and supplies which had been sustaining General 
Gates ; but in the other, a junction with Colonel 
Ferguson or Lord Cornwalhs, ihey were disap- 
pointed, by the defeat of the former officer at 
King's Mountain. 

The want of arms proved a great drawback to 
the officers commanding the Virginia forces, but 
still their energy and promptness met with con- 
siderable success. Immediately upon the news of 
the invasion, General Muhlenberg marched from 
Chesterfield with the force he then had, to check 
the enemy's advance, leaving General Weedon at 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 207 

Richmond to collect troops with which to reinforce 
him. During the time occupied in the march, the 
enemy, us usual, ravaged the shores of James 
River with fire and sword. 

On the 25th, General Muhlenberg commenced 
his march with about eight hundred raw soldiers of 
the new Virginia line.'^ The following is an extract 
from the first general order issued : — " As the troops 
have now taken the field, and perhaps may soon be 
called into action, the General hopes and expects 
that the gentlemen officers will, for the sake of their 
own honour and the good of the service, make use 
of every opportunity that may offer, to perfect the 
men, as much as the shortness of the time will 
permit, in those manoeuvres which are essentially 
necessary in the field, and to take particular pains 
to instruct the young soldiers how to perform their 
duty when on picket and other guard. Few orders, 
and such only as are absolutely necessary, will be 
issued on the march ; but those, it is expected, will 
be obeyed with the utmost punctuality. Captain 
Drew and Mr. Ludeman are appointed aids to the 
General during the invasion, and are to be respected 
and obeyed as such." 

The march was conducted with the utmost 



208 MEMOIR OF 

rapidity, and on the '-2d the iroops arrived within 
a few miles of the enemy's pickets. The following 
letter'"' to General Gates, gives a brief account of 
General Muhlenberg's position, strength, and in- 
tentions. 

" Isle of Wight, Nov. 7, 1780. 
*' Dear General, — 

" I expected the Governor would have given you 
a circumstantial account of the proceedings of the 
enemy in this state, and of the measures adopted to 
oppose them; but I understand from Captain Single- 
ton, wlio has just arrived, that the intelligence you 
have procured from that quarter has been very de- 
ficient. I shall therefore do myself the honour of 
representing to you our present situation as con- 
cisely as possible. 

"On the enemy's landing in this state, I marched 
with all the regulars we had embodied, consisting 
of eight hundred men, to oppose them, and prevent 
their ravaging the lower counties with impunity. 
It was near six days before I got near them, when 
they immediately retreated to Portsmouth, where 
they commenced entrenching themselves. 

" They hav^e likewise compelled Colonel Senft'to 



GENERAL MUHLENnERG. 209 

retreat from the Great Bridge, and have taken pos- 
session of that post; but Generals Gregory and 
Banbury arc collecting a force sufficient to oppose 
them on that side. General Nelson is on the north 
side of James River, with about one thousand men, 
and will be reinforced in a few days with more. 
We have had fourteen deserters from the enemy 
since their arrival ; and from their reports, as well 
as from other intelligence more to be depended on, 
I am convinced their force does not exceed twenty- 
five hundred men, and these are a motley crew, 
composed of drafts from different corps. 

" The post I at present occupy is fifteen miles 
distant from the enemy's outpost; and I only wait 
a reinforcement to move lower down. I have, 
since my stay at this place, been reinforced with 
six hundred militia. Eight hundred more will join 
mo in a few days, and General Wcedon is on his 
march to join mc with a thousand men, besides a 
corps of volunteers commanded by Colonel Law- 
son, consisting of eight hundred infantry and one 
hundred horse ; so that in a few days we shall have 
a respectable force. 

"From every account I have been able to obtain, 
the enemy on their first arrival intended to pene- 
18* 



2i0 MKMOIR OF 

trate the country, and form a junction with Lord 
Cornwallis; but hearing of Ferguson's fate, they 
waited for further orders; and now I believe it is 
too late to put that project in execution, as the 
inhabitants have turned out with spirit and alacrity. 
" With great respect, 

" Dear General, &c., 

" P. Muhlenberg." 

As soon as General Muhlenberg received the re- 
inforcements alluded to, he advanced upon Ports- 
mouth, and driving in the enemy's pickets, confined 
him closely to his entrenchments. The American 
force now amounted to about five thousand men, 
of whom one thousand were regulars. It was 
composed as follows ;^* — Lieutenant-Colonel Gas- 
kin's battalion, first state regiment, state garrison 
regiment, and Colonel Spottswood's regiment, 
formed the first brigade, commanded by General 
Weedon; and Lieutenant-Colonel Hawe's battalion, 
second state regiment, Colonel Munroe's regiment of 
volunteers. Colonel Parker's regiment, and Colonel 
Jones's detachment, composed the second brigade, 
under General Nelson. Colonel Harrison com- 
manded the artillery, and Lieutenant-Colonel ('amp- 



GENERAL MUHLENBEUG. 



211 



bell the light infantry. Such a force as this would 
have been fully competent to capture or destroy 
the invaders; but here again the miserable defi- 
ciency of the Americans in arms prevented any- 
thing being accomplished. General Muhlenberg 
had no artillery save a few light field-pieces ; and 
the enemy's entrenchments were too strong to be 
taken without a regular battering train. Beyond a 
few skirmishes, then, nothing occurred; although it 
is true the enemy were closely confined to their 
works, and the country perfectly protected. 

In the mean time, the Governor had written to 
General Washington,^'' urging that a portion or the 
whole of the French fleet should enter James River. 
General Muhlenberg's force, he said, was sufficient 
to prevent their escape, and the enemy would find 
themselves in a net, if the French Admiral had 
leisure to close its mouth. But for some reason 
the project was not adopted; and the British re- 
taining their naval superiority, on the 25th the 
troops were re-embarked, and returned to New 
York. Their expedition had miserably failed : in- 
stead of penetrating into the country, they were 
closely confined within their walls, and only saved 
from surrender by the presence of their fleet : this, 



212 MEMOIR OF 

loo, allhougli when they landed General Muhlen- 
berg had but eight hundred eflective men. Thus 
ended the invasion of General Leslie, whose repulse, 
although little known, was under the circumstances 
most creditable to the American arms and com- 
mander. 

Portsmouth evacuated, the American troops re- 
turned, the regulars to Cabin Point, and the militia 
and volunteers, who had been raised to serve during 
the invasion, to Petersburg, where by orders of the 
Governor they were discharged. Upon this occa- 
sion the following general order was published : — 
" The General takes this opportunity of informing 
the troops before they separate, that he has been 
honoured with a letter from his Excellency the 
Governor, of which the following is an extract : 
* I must beg leave, in behalf of my country, to re- 
turn through you, sir, my sincere thanks to the 
virtuous yeomanry who have turned out with so 
much readiness and spirit in opposition to the unjust 
invasion of our native land. To the gallant officers, 
also, I wish to make my acknowledgments, who 
have led their countrymen into the field, and pointed 
their efforts to the proper object ; and especially to 
those of them who, postponing the scruples of rank 



(GENERAL MUIILENBEKG. 213 

to the substantial duties of a citizen, have again 
contributed their experience and valour to the 
public defence.' To this the General begs leave to 
add, that the readiness which the troops on every 
occasion have shown to oppose the enemy during 
the time he has had the honour to command them, 
the strict obedience they have paid to general 
orders, the cheerfulness with which they have sub- 
mitted to inconveniences arising from the want of 
necessary supplies, and the harmony which has 
existed between the different corps, entitle them to 
his warmest thanks." 

As a sequel to the history of this campaign, the 
following letter to the Board of War will perhaps 
be not inappropriate. It was forwarded by Colonel 
Grayson, a member of the Board, then returning 
from A^irginia ; and the moderate demand it con- 
tained was some time afterwards fully complied 
with. 

"Richmond, Dec. 20, 1780. 
" Gentlemen, — 

" The command I have been honoured with 
during the summer and fall, has from unavoidable 
circumstances proved much too expensive for a 



214 MEMOIR OF 

man of my fortune. At the time when I was 
ordered on this command, I expected to be at more 
than the ordhiary camp expenses, but had no idea 
that they would be so heavy as to compel mo to 
distress my family to make them good. 

" I beg leave to state to the Honourable Board 
in a few words the circumstances which occasioned 
my extraordinary expenses, and to request their 
determination whether any or what part of them 
are to be made good. 

" In February I was ordered from Philadelphia 
to Virginia. I was compelled to lake my baggage 
with me, and the severity of the weather with the 
badness of the roads occasioned me to be almost 
a month on the journey. When I arrived in Vir- 
ginia, three places of rendezvous were appointed, 
(by the advice of the executive,) Winchester, Fre- 
dericksburg, and Chesterfield. The first and last 
were one hundred and eighty miles apart, but still 
it was necessary I should visit them by turns, 
which I did once a month ; besides this, my atten- 
dance at Richmond was necessary, so that I was 
almost entirely on the roads. 

" It would be needless to represent to the Ho- 
nourable Board that travelling is expensive in Vir- 



GRNERAL MUHLENBERG. 215 

ginia. Colonel Grayson will, I make no doubt, 
acknowledge it on his return to Philadelphia. 

"I should not have troubled the Board on this 
occasion, if I had not known that several oflicers 
who were sent on command had their expenses 
allowed, and no reason occurred to me why I 
should be excluded from the same privilege. 

" I have at present vouchers with me for £0,000 
Virginia currency, part of which I have borrowed 
from friends, as no money could be got from the 
treasury. If this sum is made good to me, I shall 
be content to relinquish the remainder of my ex- 
penses, though far exceeding the £0,000. 

" I have the honour to be, &c." 



21G MEMOIR OF 



CHAPTER VII. 

Arrival of Baron Steuben — Orders ol'Gcncral Greene — Mutiny of 
tlic Troops ordered South — Suppressed by General Muhlen- 
berg — Arnold's Invasion — Its Objeet — Condition of Troops at 
Cliesterfield — Letter to Steuben — Movements of the Enemy — 
Position of American Troops — Plan to capture Arnold — Con- 
dition of Muhlenberg's Forces before Portsmouth — Letter to 
Steuben — Report relative to Attack on tlie Town — Extract 
from Letter to Greene — Appearance of the Frcncii Fleet — 
Plan of Operations — Reasons for its Failure — Letters from 
Steuben — Proposed Arrival of the whole French Fleet and 
General Lafayette's Land Forces — Position of American Troops 
— General Gregory's Treason — Distress in Portsmoutii — Lafay- 
ette's Arrival — Appearance of the Englisli Fleet — Lafayette's 
Return — Arrival of General Phillips — Letter to Steuben — Muh- 
lenberg's Retreat — Desertion of tlie IVIilitia — Letter to Steuben 
— Tlie Enemy ascend James River — General Muhlenberg 
takes Post at Blandford — Battle of Blandford — Jeflerson's 
Letter — Muhlenberg's Letter — Steuben's General Order — 
Greene's Letter — Arnold's Report — Arrival of Lafayette — 
Junction of tlic Americans — Retreat of the Eneni}'. 

The increasing importance of the command of 
Virginia, and the probabiUty that for the future 



GENEUAT. MUHLENBERG. 217 

much larger bodies of troops would be engaged 
in the operations in that quarter, rendered it proper 
to send there anoflicerof higlier rank. Accordingly, 
when the southern department was assigned to 
General Greene, Major-Gcneral the Baron de 
Steuben was ordered to Virginia, and General 
Muhlenberg consequently became second in com- 
mand, a position he retained throughout the cam- 
paign of 1781. J3y the death of General Wood- 
ford, which occurred about this time, he also 
regained the rank he formerly had, that of senior 
officer of the Virginia line. 

On the first of December, Baron Steuben arrived 
at Richmond, and on the third took command. 
His orders were the same as those before given 
to General Muhlenberg, and he immediately com- 
menced forwarding troops and supplies to General 
Greene, — General Gates having been superseded 
and ordered before a court-martial, of which 
General Muhlenberg was appointed a member.' 
The subsequent invasions of Arnold, Phillips, and 
Cornwallis, however, occupied the time of all the 
general officers so thoroughly that the court never 
assembled, and finally the resolution of Congress 
directing it to be held was very properly rescinded. 
10 



218 MEMOIR OF 

The military eye of General Greene quickly 
discovered, that unless affairs in Virginia were 
put on a better footing, his efforts to defend the 
South would be useless;"'^ he therefore urged the 
utmost activity upon the state government, re- 
organized the quarter-master's department, and 
leaving orders to be reinforced as soon as General 
Muhlenberg could spare troops for that purpose 
from the attack upon Portsmouth, he proceeded 
to Hillsborough to take command of the southern 
army. 

After the militia and volunteers had been dis- 
banded, the remainder of General Muhlenberg's 
command consisted of only about one thousand 
regulars. Of this force, Baron Steuben ordered 
him to detach four hundred of the best equipped 
under Colonel Greene, to reinforce the southern 
army. The officers of this detachment were 
unpaid, ill clothed and provided, and consequently 
discontented. A paper complaining of ill usage 
by the state, and expressing their determination 
of refusing to march until their grievances were 
redressed, was signed by them and handed to 
Steuben, who in a letter to Greene says: "You 
may suppose T was exceedingly shocked at such 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 219 

a proceeding. I thought it best, however, to take 
no other notice of it than to speak to General 
Muhlenberg on the subject, who has promised to 
speak to the officers." This mutinous spirit was 
exceedingly dangerous, for all others being in the 
same distressed situation, it would have spread 
like wildfire throughout the army, had these de- 
mands been granted. They listened, however, to 
the remonstrances of General Muhlenberg, who 
whilst commanding them had won their respect 
and esteem, and finally, through his influence and 
that of Colonels Harrison and Greene, the offensive 
resolution was withdrawn, and on the 14th, the 
detachment marched for General Greene's head- 
quarters. Thus happily ended a matter which 
might have proved fatal in its consequences to 
the American arms.^* 

The remainder of these regulars Baron Steuben 
intended should follow their comrades, as soon as 
the necessary clothing and stores for their equip- 
ment could be collected, their place being supplied 
by the new drafts who were still assembling. To 
fit them for the field, however, was found to be a 
task of much difficulty, as they were utterly defi- 
cient in clothing, blankets, and tents. By dint of 



220 MEMOIR OF 

great exertion this was accomplished ; but their 
march was prevented by a new invasion, com- 
manded by Brigadier-General Arnold, whose force, 
/ consisting of about two thousand men, was disem- 
barked at Portsmouth, on the 2d of January, 1781. 
The object of this expedition was to accomplish 
what General Leslie had failed in performing. Its 
arrival was most inopportune for the Americans ; 
for the volunteers and militia who had composed 
the army before Portsmouth were disbanded, the 
regulars who were fit to take the field had marched 
to join General Greene, and the remainder were 
so illy provided that a few weeks previously 
Baron Steuben had written as follows of their 
condition to General Greene: " The business now 
before me is to get clothes for those wretches at 
Chesterfield ; they amount to between five and six 
hundred, but they arc so utterly naked, that except 
I can get some clothes for them they will all be 
sick before they can be ordered to march." Thus 
Virginia was left totally defenceless, although notice 
of the intended invasion had been sent to the Go- 
vernor by General Washington ; but the reinforce- 
ment of the southern army was deemed of the first 
importance. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 221 

His union of land and sea forces rendered 
Arnold's progress perfectly secure. The fleet 
sailed up the James River to Westover, twenty- 
five miles below Richmond, where on the 4th, 
nine hundred men were disembarked, with whom 
Arnold on the day following entered the capital. 
His stay was marked by the destruction of many 
valuable stores, the public buildings, and much 
private property. On the 7th, the enemy returned 
to Westover, re-embarked, and fell slowly down 
the river. All this was performed with but trifling 
loss, for the force under Steuben was so small that 
no effectual opposition could be made. The enemy 
were again on board their ships, and their future 
movements uncertain. 

During this time, General Muhlenberg was with 
his family, having received a short furlough. He 
had proceeded there before the invasion had taken 
place, but had been at home but three days when 
an express was despatched to him by the Baron, 
with the news, desiring him to take proper pre- 
cautionary measures for the safety of northern 
Virginia. The following was his reply. 



19« 



222 MEMOIlv OF 

"Fredericksburg, January 12th, 1781. 
" Dear General, — 

"On the lOlh, in the morning, I was honoured 
with your favour of the 2d, and in consequence of 
your order set out immediately, and arrived at 
this place last evening. This morning I saw a 
letter from General Weedon, wherein he mentions 
that the enemy had embarked, and that it was 
thought they were destined for Potomac. As this 
is the case, I shall continue at this place, collect 
the militia, and endeavour to make head against 
the enemy should they attempt to land. I send 
my aid with this, and shall be happy to receive 
your orders by him, 

" I am, dear General, &c." 

But the enemy, after landing at Hoods, Cobham, 
and Smithfield, and as usual plundering and burn- 
ing wherever they went, finally advanced towards 
Portsmouth, which place it was evidently their in- 
tention to hold permanently. This being ascer- 
tained, Steuben wrote to General Muhlenberg that 
it was clearly the enemy's design to establish them- 
selves in the lower counties, and that leaving Gene- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 223 

ral Weedon at Fredericksburg to collect troops 
there, he should march immediately to join the 
main body, with such disposable force as he then 
had under his directions. On the 25th, he arrived 
at Cabin Point, and took command of the troops 
at that place. 

Steuben's first intention was to attempt driving 
Arnold from the position he had chosen, but on 
consultation with his officers, he found that scheme 
utterly impracticable. His next care, therefore, 
was to arrange his force in such a manner as to 
prevent hostile incursions being made info the coun- 
try. To secure this object the following disposition 
was made. On the south bank of James River, 
Colonel Parker, with the Suffolk militia, was ad- 
vanced to Cowper's Mills, the nearest post to 
Portsmouth held by the Americans ; General Law- 
son, with eight hundred militia, was stationed at 
M'Kay's Mills, some miles in Parker's rear; and 
General Muhlenberg with eight hundred infan- 
try, consisting of Colonel Fleming's and Colonel 
Merriwether's regiments, and Colonel Armand's 
legion of cavalry, took post at Cabin Point, from 
whence he could support all the advanced forces. 
On the north bank, General Nelson, with one thou- 



224 MEMOIR OF 

sand militia, and some volunteer cavalry, was 
stationed at Williamsburg, with orders to guard 
the shore from thence to New Port News. This 
well-planned arrangement, it was believed, would 
effectually secure the state from Arnold's present 
force, and drive him back to his entrenchments 
should he attempt to force his passage, although on 
landing in Virginia, he had threatened "to give the 
Americans such a blow as to make the whole con- 
tinent shake." 

On the 26th, Baron Steuben returned to Rich- 
mond, leaving the actual command of the troops in 
the field with General Muhlenberg. The reinforce- 
ment of, and collecting supplies for, the southern 
army, had now become of such paramount neces- 
sity, as to occupy the Baron's time almost entirely. 

For some time Generals Arnold and Muhlenberg 
lay in this position watching each other's move- 
ments, the former afraid to venture into the open 
field, and the latter too deficient in artillery, &c.,to 
attack the fortifications of Portsmouth. During 
this time a plan for seizing Arnold was set on foot, 
the execution of which was entrusted to General 
Muhlenberg. Having been unsuccessful, it is but 
little known; but the eagerness displayed, and the 



GENERAL MUHLENDERG. 225 

reward offered for his capture, illustrate the uni- 
versal hatred his treachery had inspired. 

On the 31st of January Governor Jefferson wrote 
to General Muhlenberg, urging the importance and 
feasibility of the plan. The following is an extract 
from that letter : " Having peculiar confidence in 
the men from the western side of the mountains, I 
meant, as soon as they should come down, to get 
the enterprise proposed to a chosen number of 
them, such whose courage and whose fidelity would 
be above all doubt. Your perfect knowledge of 
these men personally, and my confidence in your 
discretion, induce me to ask you to pick from 
among them proper characters, in such numbers as 
you think best ; to reveal to them our desire, and 
engage them to seize and bring off this greatest of 
all traitors. Whether this may be best effected by 
their going in as friends and awaiting their oppor- 
tunity, or otherwise, is left to themselves. The 
smaller the number, the better, so that they may be 
sufficient to manage him. Every necessary pre- 
caution on their part must be used to prevent a 
discovery of their design by the enemy. I will 
undertake, if they are successful in bringing him off 



2'^G 



MEMOIR OF 



alive, that they shall receive five thousand guineas 
among them." 

This attempt was afterwards made, although the 
correspondence is silent as to the particular manner. 
It was, however, defeated by the extraordinary pre- 
cautions taken by Arnold to insure his personal 
safety, a trusty guard surrounding him day and 
night.s5 

Things before Portsmouth still remained in the 
same situation as before. The American troops, 
however, suffered severely from the want of proper 
supplies. On the 31st, General Muhlenberg wrote 
to Steuben as follows: "General Lawson complains 
heavily of the wretched situation of the sick in his 
camp, who are without medicine, physicians, or 
necessaries. We are here in the same situation, 
and no other alternative is left us than to disperse 
the sick in the neighbouring houses. General Law- 
son would have erected huts to shelter his men, but 
finds it impossible for want of axes. I have written 
pressingly to Petersburg for a supply, but am afraid 
it will prove but a scanty one." Such a situation 
as this, and especially the idea that if sick or 
wounded they must perish unassisted, would be 
enough to dishearten most troops. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 227 

Judging from his correspondence, General Muh- 
lenberg seems lo have become very tired of this 
state of inactivity. In a letter to Baron Steuben, 
dated at Cabin Point, Feb. 4th, he advises that our 
troops skirmish with the enemy as frequently as 
possible, both to increase the distress in Ports- 
mouth, and accustom them to action. He also 
says : " If my presence at Chesterfield (where he 
had been ordered to assist the Baron in rnakino: 
some arrangements relative to the Virginia line,) 
could be dispensed with, and I could obtain your 
permission to command where there is a proba- 
bility of doing something, I would much prefer the 
latter." 

His advice was complied with, and accordingly, 
putting his troops in motion, he advanced towards 
Portsmouth, Lawson's and Parker's detachments 
uniting with him. Although badly appointed, his 
force was now quite respectable in numbers, and he 
seems to have been very anxious to draw Arnold 
into an engagement. On the 19lh, he wrote as 
follows from Suffolk, to Baron Steuben. 

" Dear. General, — 

" Yesterday I did myself the honour lo inform 



228 MEMOIR OF 

you that I was on the enemy's lines, that we had 
cut off their picket within sight of the works, con- 
sisting of a sergeant, corporal, and twelve men, and 
killed two yagers. The troops arc all returned 
without the loss of a man, and I am making pre- 
parations to encamp on Shoulder's Hill, sixteen 
miles on this side of Portsmouth. I have a suffi- 
cient number of men to fight them anywhere, and 
shall confine them close to their works. We waited 
for Mr. Arnold yesterday three hours, within one 
mile and a half of the town, but they would not 
suffer a man to come out of their works, and a 
deserter who came out this morning informs me 
that they are in the utmost consternation. I have 
not had the pleasure of a line from you since I had 
the honour to see you last, except the one I received 
yesterday. A report is just circulating that Lord 
Cornwallis was marching in full force for Virginia. 
If so, I am afraid it will prevent Portsmouth from 
falling into our hands, which otherwise I am sure 
may be the case in five or six days." 

This manoeuvring to draw Arnold from his forti- 
fications into the open field was continued for some 
time, but without success. The reason why more 
efficient operations were not carried on to force 



GENEUAL MUHLENKERG. 229 

him either to surrender or leave the state, is best 
exhibited in the following extract of a letter from 
General Muhlenberg'*'' to General Greene, dated 
Feb. 24th. " I must acknowledge it is derogatory 
to the honour of the state to suffer such a handful 
of men to retain possession so long (now six weeks) ; 
but what, my dear General, is to be done 1 They 
are strongly fortified ; I have near two thousand 
men, and among the whole about three hundred 
bayonets, and two brass six pounders. With such 
a military apparatus, we cannot think of attacking 
his works by regular approaches, and all my hope 
is that we shall be able to coop up Arnold so close, 
that he will be obliged to make an effort to dis- 
lodge us." 

But the appearance of a detachment of the 
French fleet under M. de Tilly, intended to co- 
operate in the attack on Portsmouth, and the dan- 
gerous situation of General Greene, who was 
threatened by the rapid advance of Lord Corn- 
wallis, changed the whole plan. Believing that the 
retreat of Arnold was effectually cut off". Baron 
Steuben resolved to send down his battering train 
to General Muhlenberg, and leave the reduction ol 
Portsmouth and capture of Arnold to that officer, 
20 



230 MEMOIR OF 

thinking, perhaps, that as he had had the labour of 
watching, he should also have the glory of taking 
the traitor, a thing which now appeared certain. 
At the s;ime time, the Baron proposed to put him- 
self at the head of the remainder of the troops, con- 
sisting of Colonel Campbell's regulars, four hundred 
strong, and Generals Weedon and Nelson's nnilitia, 
about twenty-six hundred in number, and march to 
General Greene's assistance. ^^ Colonel Campbell's 
command had actually moved forward, when the 
whole of this beautifully arranged scheme was de- 
stroyed by a succession of the most untoward events. 
The otlicer commanding the French fleet, after 
capturing a frigate and some smaller vessels, re- 
fused to remain,**^ alleging that the shallowness of 
the Elizabeth River was dangerous to the vessels, 
and rendered their presence useless. This was 
absurd, for as long as he held possession of the 
river's mouth, Arnold's retreat was cut off, and in 
a few days he would have been forced to surrender. 
General Muhlenberg remonstrated, but in vain: the 
fleet sailed fur Newport, and Arnold's position 
again became safe. The mortilicalion of the Ame- 
rican commander at seeing the glorious prize, on 
which he had counted with so much certainty, thus 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 231 

snatched from his very grasp, may be better ima- 
gined than described. 

In the mean time an aid of Steuben's, who had 
been sent to North CaroHna with despatches for 
Greene, mistaking a skilful manoeuvre of Cornwallis 
for a retreat, without seeing General Greene, re- 
turned and reported to his General that the former 
was retiring as rapidly as he had advanced, closely 
pursued by the latter. This mistaken intelligence^^ 
caused the marching orders of the militia to be re- 
voked, and affairs in Virginia returned to their 
former condition — Arnold still at Portsmouth, nar- 
rowly confined by General Muhlenberg, who, how- 
ever, could not succeed in drawling him from his 
entrenchmenis. 

The following letter of Steuben to General Muh- 
lenberg, written about this time, deserves attention 
as a curiosity. The opinion, however, which the 
Baron entertained of Cornwallis's reported move- 
ments, should have led him to suspect the correct- 
ness of the information upon which that opinion 
was founded. 

"Head-quarters, Feb. 25, 1781. 
" Dear General, — 

" I have been some time in doubt whether Lord 



232 MKMOlll Of 

Cornvvallis was a great general or a madman: his 
late manojuvre proves him clearly to be the latter. 
His retreat is more rapid than his approach. Gene- 
ral Greene crossed Dan River on the 21st, and is 
pursuing him. I shall set out this evening for 
Petersburg, and if circumstances make it necessar\', 
for the place where the detachment which marched 
IVom this place to-day arc ordered. 

" 1 wish you to keep Mr. Arnold close within his 
lines until you rc(;cive t'urlher orders. 

*' I am, with esteem, &(^" 

In another letter, ^vrittcn at this lime, when he 
still intended going south, he tells General Muhlen- 
berg that "he leaves the chief command of Virginia 
in his hands Avith pleasure and confidence." Steuben 
had now had ample time to learn practically the 
great importance of this situation, and the arduous 
duties it involved : a compliment, therefore, of this 
kind, from a veteran of the school of Frederick, 
implied no light estimate of the military talents of 
him to wliom it was addressed. General Muhlen- 
berg was a thorough master of the German lan- 
guage, and was one of the few officers with whom 
Steuben could converse upon his first arrival. This 
fact commenced a friendship which an incieascd 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 233 

luiowledge of each other's qualities only served lo 
strengthen. A friend ly correspondence continued 
between them after ihq war, until the Baron's death; 
and the General, by his judicious location of the 
land-warrants of the former, secured him from 
some of the efi'ects of his often improvident libe- 
rality. 

The importance of capturing Arnold and dis- 
lodging the enemy from Virginia, was felt by no 
one more keenly than by General Washington. 
The representations of the conduct of M. de Tilly, 
made by Governor Jefferson, enabled the Com- 
mander-in-chief to press the matter warmly upon 
Admiral Destouches, who finally resolved to sail 
with the whole fleet, having on board eleven hun- 
dred French iiiflintry, for the Chesapeake. As 
since the march of ('ampbell's regiment none but 
militia remained in Virginia, the Marquis de La- 
fayette was despatched with twelve hundred regu- 
lars from the main army, to co-operate with the 
French troops, and assume the chief command of 
all forces in that state. In the mean time. General 
Muhlenberg was directed to keep Arnuld closely 
confined within his works; and to accomplish this 
end, the former extended his lines around the posi- 
20* 



'^o4 .'MEMOirv, OF 

lion oC llio latter in such a maimer as to render his 
escape utterly impossible, unless he first defeated 
the besieging army. 

Lafayette advanced by forced marches tVoin the 
Hudson, and arrived at the head of Elk on the lid 
of March. There he halted his command and 
waited lor news of the French fleet, which was 
still at sea. Leaving his troops in that position, he 
crossed the bay in an open boat, and came into 
Virginia to make the necessary preliminary ar- 
rangements for the combined attack. 

Whilst all parties are anxiously awaiting the 
arrival of the French fleet, a brief view of the inci- 
dents occurring in Virginia during this time will 
complete the continuity of the narrative. The new 
plan for capturing Arnold had been communicated 
by General Washington to Baron Steuben, who 
wrote warmly as to its feasibility. The following 
is an extract from his reply,''" dated March 1st, at 
Richmond : 

"•It was fortunate that, notwithstanding M. de 
Tilly's answer that he could not remain in the 
iTiouth of James Iliver, that I had not discontinued 
my preparations for an enterprise on Portsmouth: 
this leaves it in my power to afford with greater 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 235 

despatch the necessary assistance in the affair now 
in agitation. 

" You need not, my dear General, be under any 
apprehensions that Arnold will escape by land. Lef 
his retreat by James River be cut oft", and I will 
answer for delivering him over to the Marquis. 

"In four or five days I hope to have four eighteen 
pounders and two mortars mounted. Eight hun- 
dred shells will also be ready, and indeed every 
other article necessary, at which they are now 
working night and day. Immediately on the receipt 
of your letter of the 20th, I reinforced General 
Gregory at the northwest landing with eight hun- 
dred men, under Colonel Everard Meade. 

"General Muhlenberg will in two days have five 
regiments, each of four hundred militia, one hun- 
dred and twenty horse, two hundred and sixty 
riflemen, and four pieces of artillery, under his 
orders at Suffolk ; and General Weedon will arrive 
in two or three days at Williamsburg, with two 
regiments of four hundred militia each." 

After giving this statement of force, he advises 
that the detachment of Lafayette should unite with 
the main body under General Muhlenberg, with 
which he would be in person. He also states that 



236 MEMOIR OF 

ihe plan of operations has been communicated to 
tlie latter oflicer, and that as far as the land forces 
were concerned, everything was ready for tiie exe- 
cution of the enterprise. 

About this time a very unpleasant occurrence 
happened, in which General Gregory,"* who com- 
manded the North Carolina militia, w^as concerned; 
and language is almost too weak to express the 
contempt deserved by those British officers w'ho 
joined in this infamous plot to destroy the character 
of a brave and gallant officer. 

The enemy's communication with their post at 
the Great Bridge had hitherto been uninterrupted. 
This was an important position, and consequently 
General Muhlenberg despatched Colonel Parker, 
with three hundred and fifty picked men, to make 
an attempt to gain possession of the work. During 
the progress of the attack several gun-boats were 
captured, one of which contained the baggage of 
Captain Stevenson, then commanding the post. In 
the language of Colonel Simcoe,"^ " Among his 
papers was found a fictitious letter, which he had 
written, by way of amusement and of passing the 
lime, to General Gregory, who commanded the 
Carolina militia at the west landing, detailing a 



GENEUAL MUHLKNIIKUU. 237 

plan which that olliccr was to follow, to surrender 
his troops to Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, the whole 
plausibly written, and l)earing every appearance 
of being concerted. The manner of its falhng into 
the enemy's hands strengthened these appearances, 
and at first it served for laughter to the officers of 
the Rangers; but when it was understood that 
General Gregory was put in arrest, Captain Ste- 
venson's humanity became alarmed, and the letters 
which passed between Simcoe and Colonel Parker 
prevented all further bad consequences." 

As soon as Colonel Parker discovered the nature 
of the letters he had captured, he despatched them 
by express to General Muhlenberg. The presence 
of Arnold, the chief of all traitors, in Portsmouth, 
rendered the matter doubly suspicif)us, and General 
Muhlenberg forthwith ordered Gregory under arrest, 
to answer a charge of treasonable correspondence 
with the enemy. He protested his innocence, and 
much correspondence on the subject passed between 
Steuben, Muhlenberg, and himself. In a subsequent 
letter to the Baron, General Muhlenberg says, " I 
really do not know what to think of General Gregory. 
Appearances arc very much against him, and he 
must give up his command until the matter is cleared 



238 MEMOIR OF 

up." This was finally done, as above related by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoc, who satisfied the Ame- 
rican commander that General Gregory was inno- 
cent, and he was released from arrest. His men, 
however, were still suspicious of him, and he 
shortly afterwards retired from the service. Such 
were the consequences of the " amuscmcnl" of 
Captain Stevenson, who should have been driven 
from the society of all honourable men for his 
connexion with this infamous slander. Nor can 
the light tone in which Colonel Simcoe speaks of 
it be approved. By means of it, although only 
discharging his duty. General Muhlenberg was 
driven to commit an act of injustice against a 
very worthy officer, which he always afterwards 
regretted. 

During this time General Muhlenberg carried 
out his plan of frequently skirmishing with the 
enemy. He made several attacks upon Ports- 
mouth, driving in their outposts, and cutting oflf 
foraging parties, until at last the enemy did not 
venture from their entrenchments. The capture 
of the post at the Great Bridge by Colonel Parker 
was a severe blow ; and their distress was so 
great, that it alone would have shortly caused 



GExNERAL MUllLENEEKG. 230 

the fiill of the place had it not been relieved. 
During all these operations General Muhlenberg 
had ihe actual command of the ttoops in the 
field, Barun Steuben remiiining at ilichmond, 
where he was fully occupied in preparing fir the 
arrival of the French fleet, and reinforcing and 
supplying the southern artny. 

On the IlJth, Lafayette arrived at General Muh- 
lenberg's camp near Suffolk. He had not as yet 
assumed the command, being unwilling from motives 
of delicacy to do so until his own troops arrived ; 
but his presence on the spot, it was thought, would 
enable him to act with greater promptitude on the 
arrival of the fleet. In order to judge of the 
strength of the enemy's works, he writes^^ to 
General Washington, that he and General Muh- 
lenberg marched down with some troops, which 
brought on a trifling skirmish, during the progress 
of which they were enabled to see something, but 
the insufliciency of ammunition prevented their 
engaging far enough to drive in the enemy's out- 
posts, and the reconnoitering was postponed until 
the 21st. 

On the 20th, however, a large fleet was dis- 
covered in the bay, T[)is excitetl the expectation 



240 MEMOIR OF 

ot" all in the liighest degree, the American com- 
manders believing that the prize for which they 
had toiled so long was now within their grasp, 
whilst in Portsmouth the utmost consternation and 
fear prevailed. But the next day the position of 
the two parties was reversed. The fleet proved 
to be that of Admiral Arbuthnot, who had engaged 
and defeated M. Destouches otf the capes, and 
Arnold was again saved from the most imminent 
danger. The enemy having preserved their naval 
superiority, and all hope of capturing Arnold being 
at an end, Lafayette returned to the head of Elk, 
with the intention of marching his troops back to 
head-quarters. 

But this fleet brought no reinforcements of land 
troops to General Arnold, and therefore General 
Muhlenberg's command was still equal to the duly 
of protecting the country by confining the enemy 
to their works. On the 24th, he wrote as follows 
to Baron Steuben : " The marines from Portsmouth 
have been taken away to man the fleet, and the 
whole of their transports except four are likewise 
gone to join the fleet. This, I think, will enable 
me to keep the enemy close in Portsmouth, and in- 
crease their distress for want of provisions, wiiich 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 241 

is already great; and I cannot learn that the fleet 
brought them a supply." The Baron's answer 
contains the following: "I am just favoured with 
your reply, and thank you for the intelligence 
it contains. As you are reinforced and have 
ammunition, you will have it in your power to 
harass the enemy ; but I would advise you to be 
cautious of hazarding yourself too far." 

General Muhlenberg, however, thought the pre- 
sent weak state of the garrison favourable for an 
attack upon the town, whilst at the same time 
Colonel Parker should endeavour to cut oft' Colonel 
Simcoe, who was out with a force of several 
hundred men. One or perhaps both of the attacks 
might have succeeded, but fortune again befriended 
the enemy. The following is General Muhlenberg's 
report to Baron Steuben. 

"Pinner's Old Field, Tuesday, midnight. 
" Dear General, — 

" To-day I moved down with my whole force, 
and got the provisions and cartridges safe to 
Colonel Parker. I had intended to attack the 
enemy early in the morning, in order to give 
Colonel Parker an opportunity to make a stroke 
21 



242 MEMOIR OF 

at Sirncoc, but my schemes ^vGrc iVustraied by 
the ap-'ival of another British fleet, which occa- 
sioned me to retreat to this place. As this fleet 
has p-robably brought a strong reinforcement, I 
shall be happy to liear from you as soon as pos- 
sible, and to receive your orders in what manner 
to conduct myself with regard to tiie troops under 
my command, as well as those under ('olonel 
Parker. In the mean time, I shall retire to my 
old camp near Suflblk, until I get certain accounts 
of what troops this fleet has brought. 

" I am, dear General, &c." 

This fleet proved to be the one expected from 
New York, containing a land force about three 
thousand strong, under Major-General Phillips, 
who, after uniting with Arnold's command, were 
destined to form a junction with Lord Cornwallis. 
As soon as the news of this new invasion reached 
the Commander-in-chief, orders were sent to La- 
fayette ti) retrace his steps, and marching his 
troops to Virginia, assume the chief command of 
that stale, for the enemy's force was now so large 
as to threaten its very existence. He did not 
arrive, however, until tiic 20th of April; and in 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 243 

the mean lime the British army was so dispro- 
portionecJ to the American as to bear down all 
resistance. 

Baron Steuben's orders to General Muhlenberg 
directed him to concenlrate his forces and retire. 
To bring off the two regiments under the command 
of Colonel Parker, which were stationed at the 
Great Bridge on the other side of Portsmouth, 
was the great difficulty. He therefore replied, 
that he would be obliged to remain where he 
was until Colonel Parker's return, unless the 
enemy moved against him in great force; for if 
he retired sooner, the Colonel's retreat would be 
cut off. This delicate service was, however, skil- 
fully performed, Colonel Parker's men making a 
night march, and crossing a considerable portion 
of the Dismal Swamp on logs ; and thus, in spite 
of the enemy's superiority. General Muhlenberg 
succeeded in concentrating his force without loss. 

The disparity in force being so great, it became 
necessary as a measure of precaution, for the Ame- 
ricans to remove all their stores, &c., out of the 
reach of the enemy, into the interior; and this em- 
ployment afforded full occupation to both officers 
and men. On the 3d of April, General Muhlenberg, 



214 



MEMOIR OF 



after having left two regiments at Cowper's Mills, 
and two at Chuckatuck, retired to liis old camp 
near Scott's,"* where he says: "I am now, in my 
opinion, in the best position this place atl'ords, cither 
to prevent their making incursions into the country, 
or to keep pace with them, should they move up 
James River, which I am inclined to think they 
will attempt. Report says that Arnold is to march 
by land, whilst the fleet, with part of the troojis on 
board, moves up the river." 

But a further retreat quickly became necessary, 
not so much from the enemy's movements, as from 
the conduct of his own troops. The militia, ever 
wanting when most needed, insisted upon going 
home, even at this great crisis. The following 
letter from General Muhlenberg to Baron Steuben, 
best explains their cowardly conduct and the situa- 
tion in which their General was left. 

"Camp, April 8Ui, 1781. 
" Dear General, — 

" The militia, who have served their term of 
three months, have partly discharged themselves, 
and compelled me to discharge the remainder. I 
tried every method in my power to prevail on them 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 245 

to continue until I could be reinforced from some 
other quarter, but in vain. About one hundred de- 
serted within two nights out of my camp; and this 
morning one hundred out of Colonel Downman's 
regiment, stationed at ("huckatuck, stacked their 
arms and marched off. The remainder marched 
into camp with their arms and accoutrements, and 
now claim their discharge, which I shall be com- 
pelled to give them, as their stay will ruin the few 
troops I have left. Colonels Bovvyer and Matthews 
with the riflemen will march off on Tuesday. Fle- 
ming's regiment have likewise served their term, so 
that I shall be left with about seven hundred men. 
I had just began to make preparations for carrying 
otr the heavy cannon from Mead's, but am now 
prevented ; and I shall be obliged to send off the 
military stores of which 1 am not in present want, 
higher up the country, as I can sec nothing to pre- 
vent the enemy from breaking me up, if I continue 
in their reach. 

" I have the honour to be, &c." 

The clouds hanging over Virginia were growing 
darker and darker; and even Steuben seems to have 
become somewhat discouraged. On the 11th, he 
21" 



246 MEMOIR OF 

wrote to General Hand, then adjutant-general of 
the army, as follows: — "I wish it was in my power 
to give you a pleasing account of affairs in this part 
of the continent; but indeed everything is gloomy, 
very little in our favour, and appearances entirely 
against us. However, we must do and suffer ; and 
if by any means we may obtain the prize we fight 
for, the price can scarcely be too great.""^ Such 
a feeling as this, when the future prospect is gloomy, 
spreads like contagion throughout an army, and 
destroys much of its efficiency. Labouring under 
these impressions, then, it is surprising to find how 
much gallantry the American troops displayed in 
the ensuing contest. 

Tile enemy had thus far remained quiet in Ports- 
mouth, making preparations for a secret expedition, 
which, as General Muhlenberg had supposed, was 
destined to ascend James River. On the 16th, they 
embarked and proceeded slowly up the stream. 
General Muhlenberg, whose force now consisted of 
about one thousand militia, immediately put his 
troops in motion, and by making forced marches, 
succeeded in keeping before the fleet, watching 
their motions, and ready to make all the resistance 
in his power, should they attempt a disembarkation. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 247 

The fleet, however, proceeded to the junction of 
the James and Appomatox Rivers; and at City- 
Point about twenty-five hundred picked men were 
disembarked, under the command of Generals Phil- 
hps and Arnold. In the mean time. General Muh- 
lenberg had succeeded in posting his command at 
Blandford, a village about two miles in advance of 
Petersburg, and of course directly between the 
enemy and the capital. The position was well 
chosen, as the British troops were obliged, should 
they succeed in defeating their opponents, first to 
obtain possession of a long bridge ere they could 
pursue them. During these movements Baron 
Steuben still remained at Richmond. 

On the 25th, the enemy advanced towards Peters- 
burg, and about three o'clock commenced the attack. 
The cotemporaneous accounts vary as to whether 
Baron Steuben was on the ground or not, the Eng- 
lish asserting positively that the American forces 
were commanded by General Muhlenberg, whilst 
the Americans say in general terms that the move- 
ments were directed by Steuben. The better 
opinion would seem to be, that the position was 
chosen by Steuben, and orders sent by him to Ge- 
neral Muhlenberg to oppose the enemy's progress 



248 MEMOIR OF 

at that point; but that the latter officer was in actual 
command,^" whilst the former, at Petersburg, was 
engaged in the equally important task of directing 
the removal of his valuable military stores from 
thai city; to gain the time necessary to do which, 
was probably the cause of the action taking place. 
The disparity of force and the diflerence in the 
material of the troops engaged was so great, that 
the result w^as the cause of much exultation on the 
part of the Americans. General Phillips com- 
manded twenty-five hundred picked men, the vete- 
rans of the British army, while General Muhlenberg 
had but one thousand militia, who had never seen 
service, save in the skirmishes before Portsmouth. 
The action continued about two hours, and was 
warmly contested, the loss on both sides being 
about equal. The bridge particularly was well 
defended ; and v^^hen forced to retire by superiority 
of numbers, the Americans drew off in good order, 
and were not pursued. Governor Jefferson gives the 
following account of the affair : — " They marched 
up to Petersburg, where they were received by 
Baron Steuben with a body of militia somewhat 
under one thousand, who, although the enemy were 
two thousand three hundred strong, disputed the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 249 

ground very handsomely two hours, during which 
lime the enemy gained only one mile, and that by 
inches. Our troops were then ordered to retire 
over the bridge, which they did in perfectly good 
order. Our loss was between sixty and seventy 
killed, wounded, and taken. The enemy's is un- 
known, but it must be equal to ours: for their own 
honour they must confess this, as they broke twice 
and ran like sheep, until supported by fresh troops. 
An inferiority of numbers obliged our force to with- 
draw about twelve miles upward, until more militia 
could be assembled."^'' 

The following extract of a letter from General 
Muhlenberg to his brother Frederick, then a dele- 
gate in Congress, gives an account of the same 
action : — " On the evening of the 24th, Generals 
Phillips and Arnold landed their whole force, said 
to consist of three thousand chosen men, at City 
Point, about twelve miles from Petersburg. As we 
had only one thousand militia assembled, and the 
ships of war were ranged close along shore, it was 
thought unadvisable to attempt to annoy them while 
they were landing, and we therefore retired to 
Petersburg, where we determined to make a stand. 
Yesterday, about one o'clock, r. m., the enemy ap- 



250 MEMOIll OF 

proaclicd the town in two columns, and were met 
by our liglit infantry about a mile from the town, 
where the skirmish commenced, and every inch of 
ground to the bridge was warmly disputed. The 
dispute was very hot at the bridge for some time; 
but at length they cannonaded us so severely, that 
we broke up the bridge and retreated in the greatest 
regularity, after maintaining the fight for nearly two 
hours. I have the pleasure to assure you that the 
militia behaved with a spirit and resolution which 
would have done honour to veterans. I am con- 
vinced the enemy have sutlered severely. Our loss 
is not yet ascertained, but I fancy it will not exceed 
sixty. To-morrow we shall be joined by the Mar- 
quis, when I think we shall make Petersburg too 
hot for them." 

In this aflbir General Muhlenberg seems to have 
distinguished himself highly, and from the peculiar 
circumstances under which the action was fought, 
it attracted at the time considerable attention. 
Baron Steuben, in his general orders, says : '• It is 
with peculiar pleasure and satisfaction that the 
General takes this early opportunity to thank in the 
most cordial manner the otHcers and soldiers who 
so very much distinguished themselves in defending 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 251 

the post of Petersburg, for near two hours, against 
an enoniv far superior in numbers. He begs Gene- 
ral Muhlenberg to accept his very particular thanks 
for liis gallantry and good disposition. The officers 
in general behaved with that spirit and lirmness 
which will always entitle them to his highest appro- 
bation.*' In his official report to Congress he fur- 
ther says : •• General Muhlenberg merits my parti- 
cular acknowledgments for the good disposition 
he made, and the great gallantry with which he 
executed it. Indeed the gallant conduct of all the 
officers and the particular good behaviour of the 
men, must, I am persuaded, have attracted the 
admiration of the enemy. I have the pleasure to 
say that our troops disputed the ground inch by 
inch, and executed their manoeuvres with great 
exactness." From this last passage it would seem 
that General Muhlenberg still deserved the reputa- 
tion he had acquired at the norlh, o[' being a strict 
disciplinarian, and possessed the rare faculiy of 
making soldiers out of militici. 

General Greene, to whom, as comma mler o\' the 
southern department, the alVair was reported by 
Baron Sieuben, speaks of it in ihese terms. •• I am 
happv you came to so judicious a determinatinn of 



252 MEMOIR OF 

not hazarding a general action, and yet not per- 
mitting the enemy to advance without considerable 
opposition. Your report of the good conduct of 
General Muhlenberg, and ilie troops under his com- 
mand, affords me great pleasure, and claims my 
entire approbation. This spirited opposition will 
have a most happy effect upon their future opera- 
tions."98 

After all the above concurrent testimony, the 
reader will be amused by the account of this skir- 
mish given by General Arnold to Sir Henry Clinton. 
It exemplifies the proverb of" lying like a bulletin." 
He says : " On the 25th, we marched at ten o'clock 
for Petersburg, where we arrived at five p. m. 
We were opposed about one mile from the town 
by a body of militia under the orders of Brigadier- 
General Muhlenberg, supposed to be about one 
thousand men, who were soon obliged to retire 
over the bridge, with the loss of near one hundred 
men killed and wounded, as we have since been 
informed ; our loss was only one man killed and ten 
wounded. The enemy took up the bridge, which 
prevented our pressing them." 

The American forces now retreated to Rich- 
mond, where, on the 29th, they were joined by 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 253 

Lafayette's detachment, who, by making forced 
marches, and leaving even his artillery behind, 
succeeded in arriving in time to efi'ect the junction 
and save the capital for the present. He now 
assumed the chief command of the forces in the 
state. 



22 



2o4 MEMOIR OF 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Takes Comnuind of the Regular Light Intantrv — Position ot'thc 
American Forces — Junction ot' Cornwallis and Arnold — La- 
fayette's Retreat — Cornwallis's Retreat — Tarleton's Attack 
upon JIuhleuberg's Corps — Orders of Sir Henry Clinton — Bat- 
tle of Grcenspring — General Muhlenberg's advance without 
Orders — General Wayne Extricated — Strength of American 
Army — Plans of Combined Attack upon Yorktown — Corn- 
wallis's design to Retreat southwardly by Land — Muhlenberg 
ordered to Oppose the Movement — His letter to General Jones 
— Returns to Command of tlie American .\dvance — Great Vigi- 
lance required — Letter to General Washington — Assault on 
the " Twin Batteries" — Examination of Colonel Hamilton's 
Claims — Evidence in favour of General Muhlenberg — Receives 
Leave of .\bsence — Letter to General Washington — Applies 
for Orders to join General Greene — Assigned the Command of 
Virginia — His Duties — Correspondence with Greene — Letter 
from General Washington — Promoted to tlie Rank of ^lajor 
General — The Army Disbanded — Removes to Pennsylvania — 
Journey to the Falls of Ohio — Extracts from his Journal — 
Letter to Uie President of Congress — Letter to Baron Steuben 
— Second Journey to the West. 

This skilful movement v\' Lalayette prevented 
the enemy from crossing James River, and after 



GENERAL MIIILENBERG. -iOi) 

destroying much property at Manchester, they fell 
back to Petersburg, where, on the 2il of May, their 
troops were re-embarked. It was said that General 
PhilHps flew into a violent passion -when he saw 
the prize thus snatched out o( his hands by Lafay- 
ette's celerity, and that he swore vengeance against 
him and his corps. 

General Muhlenberg now lei't his division ot" 
militia, who remained with Baron Steuben, and as 
the senior Continental brigadier, took command of 
the regulars, about one thousand strong, whom La- 
fayette had brought with him to Virginia. They 
were the light infantry of the main army, a corps 
composed of picked men. and as the Marquis him- 
self termed them, '• the flower of General Wash- 
ington's army." Henceforward, therefore, he re- 
mained with the main body under Lafayette, and 
shared in all the skilful manceuvres which enabled 
that officer to batfle Lord Cornwallis throughout a 
whole campaign. These movements are, however, so 
well known, that a very brief notice will here suttee. 

The enemy fell slowly down the river, with the 
intention of proceeding to Portsmouth, when, on 
the 13th of May, General Phillips died, and General 
Arnold aarain became commander-in-chief. The 



250 MEMOIR OF 

main body of the Ainericans remained on the north 
side of James River, at or near Richmond, for the 
twofold purpose of covering the cnpital and pro- 
tecting the stores at Fredericksburg and the Point 
of Fork, at which latter place, which was the great 
laboratory and magazine in Virginia, Steuben was 
stationed with about six hundred militia. In the 
mean time, Lord Cornwallis had abandoned his 
conquests in Carolina, to carry out the ministerial 
plan of subduing Virginia, and was now at Halifax 
in North Carolina, whilst General Wayne, with the 
Pennsylvania line, was marching from Jersey to 
reinforce the Marquis, although still a long dis- 
tance oft'. 

The first purpose of Lord Cornwallis was to 
efl'ect his junction with the force under General 
Arnold. In obedience to his orders, therefore, the 
fleet again turned, and the latter othcer took posses- 
sion of Petersburg. On the 18th, General Muhlen- 
berg, with five hundred men of his brigade, success- 
fully performed the delicate duty of escorting a 
large quantity of ammunition, destined for the 
southern army, through the outposts of the enemy.''9 
Some sharp skirmishing ensued, but the object 
was accomplished, and the detachment returned 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 257 

with but little loss. On the 20th, the junction 
between Cornwallis and Arnold was effected at 
Petersburg, and the enemy's superiority in num- 
bers was now so overwhelming, that Lafayette's 
only course was to retreat as rapidly as possible. 

This he did, still keeping in such a position as to 
somewhat cover the depots at Fredericksburg and 
Charlotteville, whilst Steuben was busily engaged 
in transporting the stores from the Point of Fork, 
covering the removal with his militia. In the mean 
time Lafayette was anxiously expecting the arrival 
of General Wayne. On the 23d he writes : " Is it 
not strange that General Wayne's detachment can- 
not be heard of? They are to go to Carolina, but 
should I want them for a few^ days, I am at liberty 
to keep them. This permission I will improve so 
far as to receive one blow, that being beat, I may 
at least be beat with some decency. If the Penn- 
sylvMnians come, Lord Cornwallis shall pay some- 
thing for his victory." 

This reinforcement was farther off than he ex- 
pected, and he consequently retreated until he 
reached the Rappahannock above its junction with 
the Rapidan. During the whole of this fatiguing 
retreat he was closely pushed by Cornwallis, but 
22* 



258 MEMOIR OF 

constantly evaded the blow. He was, however, 
unable to prevent detachments of mounted men, 
under Colonels Tarleton and Simcoe, from penetra- 
ting the country in all directions, and destroying 
the stores and munitions of war of the American 
army. One detachment even advanced to Char- 
lotte, and the Legislature escaped capture only 
by having received timely notice of Tarleton's 
march. The establishment at the Point of Fork 
was also destroyed, Baron Steuben being compelled 
to retreat. He succeeded, however, in saving the 
greater part of the stores. 

On the 10th of June, General Wayne, with the 
Pennsylvania line, about nine hundred strong, joined 
the Marquis, and Cornwallis, alarmed at his distance 
from his shipping, commenced retracing his steps. 
He was followed by General Lafayette, who, by 
a forced march, succeeded in throwing himself 
between the enemy and Albemarle Court-house, to 
which place the American stores had been re- 
moved. His force was too strong for attack in the 
favourable position they had selected, and foiled in 
his object. Lord Cornwallis commenced his re- 
treat to Richmond, and from thence to Yorktown. 
Strengthened by the militia under Baron Steuben, 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 250 

General Lafayette's force was now about four 
thousand men, of whom half were regulars. This 
was sufficient to hang on the enemy's rear, and 
considerably harass his retreat. 

But the British commander did not retreat 
without showing his teeih. His army halted at 
Richmond, and General Lafayette took up a strong 
position on Allen Creek, twenty-two miles distant, 
detaching his light troops close to the enemy's 
advanced posts. Colonel Tarleton, who command- 
ed the one at Meadow Bridge, believing, from the 
information he had received of the situation of 
General Muhlenberg's corps, which was advanced 
from the main body, that an advantageous attack 
might be made, was detached on the 18th with a 
large force to make the attempt.*"" The General, 
however, gained timely notice of the movement, 
although Tarleton's advance was secret, and fall- 
ing back upon Lafayette, met a detachment under 
General Wayne advancing to his assistance. It 
was now Tarleton's turn to retreat, and in the 
skirmishing which ensued, several prisoners were 
taken. This, says Colonel Lee, " was the first 
advantage we had gained in these active opera- 
lions." On the 20th, Richmond was evacuated. 



260 MEMOIR OF 

and Lord Cornvvallis continued his retreat to York- 
town, closely followed by Lafayette. 

The orders of Sir Henry Clinton undoubtedly 
caused this movement of the British forces in Vir- 
ginia. He was apprehensive that a combined 
French and American attack would be made upon 
New York, and therefore desired CornwalHs, after 
establishing a fortified post at York or Williams- 
burg, to reintbrce him with all the troops that 
could be spared. The latter officer thought that 
the destruction of Virginia should still remain the 
primary object, and this diflerence of opinion was 
most probably the cause of his languid movements, 
as he did not wish to engage in any active ope- 
rations which might interfere ^vith the ultimate 
designs of Sir Henry Clinton. This reason, no 
doubt, saved the army of General Lafayette upon 
several occasions ; but at Greenspring he had 
nearly fallen into a snare laid for him by his 
able antagonist, which would have proved fatal. 

Lord Cornwallis, in executing the orders of his 
superior, preferred that the embarkation should 
take place from Portsmouth, which place he in- 
tended to strengthen and hold as the fortified post 
recommended. After halting several days at Wil- 



GENEEAL MUHLENBERG. 261 

liamsburg, he made preparations tor crossing James 
River at James City. Believing that a young and 
enterprising adversary like the Marquis, who was 
then within a few miles, would endeavour to cut 
ofi" iiis rearguard, he took his measures accord- 
ingly, and so thoroughly deceived the American 
connnander, that the latter felt certain that nothing 
save a strong covering party remained on the 
north bank, although the fact was that no portion 
of the troops had as yet crossed. Acting upon 
this belief, on the evening of the 6th of July, 
General Lafayeitc pushed forward, intending to 
attack this party. General Wayne, who had been 
equally deceived, led the advance, and pressing 
forward with his usual impetuosity, w^as soon hotly 
engaged. The weight of the fire, however, quickly 
convinced General Lafayette that instead of a mere 
rearguard the whole British army was before him, 
and he therefore endeavoured to retire from the 
unequal contest as rapidly as possible. This, how- 
ever had now become difTicult; General Wayne 
was warmly pressed by the enemy, his flanks were 
nearly enveloped, and without the aid of some 
assisting force it was highly improbable that his 
extrication could be ctVected. At this critical 



20- MEMOIR OF 

moment the brigade of General Muhlenberg ar- 
rived. He had also been convinced by the weight 
of the fire that the Marquis had been deceived, 
and marching his troops irithout orders to the 
scene of action, arrived in time to save the ad- 
vance from capture or a total rout. Lafa3ette, 
whose military genius enabled him to repair the 
mistake he had committed, took advantage of 
this opportune arrival, and the Pennsylvanians 
were extricated from their perilous situation, but 
with the loss of three of their field-pieces. The 
Americans fell back to their former position; and 
during the night tiie enemy crossed to James Island, 
and from thence to the south bank. Their ground 
at Greenspring and the Island was successively 
occupied by General Muhlenberg, who was now 
thrown in advance, and many valuable horses, of 
which our army stood much in need, were cap- 
tured by him."* 

The strength and composition of the American 
army at this time are thus given in a letter*"^ 
from Colonel Febiger to Colonel Bland. Refjulars: 
Wayne's brigade, seven hundred and fifty; Muh- 
lenberg's, eight hundred ; Fobiger's regiment, four 
hundred and twenty-five. Militia : Campbell's 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 263 

brigade, seven hundred and eighty ; Stephen's, six 
hundred and fift}' ; and Lawson's, seven hundred 
and fifty; together with about one hundred cavah'y, 
three hundred artillery, and five field-pieces. From 
this estimate, the loss at Greenspring must be de- 
ducted. It amounted to one hundred and eighteen 
regulars, principally from Wayne's brigade. 

The enemy now pursued their march to Ports- 
mouth, which upon examination was found ill 
suited for their purpose, as the works erected 
and to be erected were useless against a naval 
force. Lord Cornwallis was therefore obliged to 
return to Yorktown, the place originally selected 
by Sir Henry Clinton. After destroying the forti- 
fications at Portsmouth he sailed to York, where 
he arrived in the latter part of August, and imme- 
diately commenced fortifying both it and Gloster, 
which was directl}' opposite. General Lafayette 
remained with the main body in the vicinity of 
Williamsburg, and General Wayne was on the 
southern bank of the river, where he had been 
detached to attack Tarleton, who had made an 
excursion to Bedford to destroy the stores there 
collected for General Greene. 

The plan of a combined Frencli and American 



264 MEMOIR OF 

attack upon Yorktown had already been adopted, 
and on the 28th of August the fleet of the Count 
de Grasse arrived in the bay, conveying a con- 
siderable body of land troops, under the Marquis 
de St. Simon, who were forthwith disembarked. 
The English fleet appeared inside of the capes on 
the 5th of September, but from inferiority of force 
were unable to effect anything ; they therefore 
returned to New York to escort the reinforcements 
which had been promised to Lord Cornwallis by 
Sir Henry Clinton. General Washington and the 
Count de Rochambeau were now on their march 
at the head of the allied forces, and everything 
promised a happy result of the great undertaking. 
Cornwallis still continued strengthening his fortifi- 
cations by every means in his power, while Lafav- 
ette's army remained in the vicinity of Williams- 
burg, General Muhlenberg, with about one thousand 
men, being advanced to the lines of Yorktown. 

Lafayette's great duty now was to prevent his 
antagonist from retreating by land, for if he was 
forced to remain in Yorktown until the arrival of 
General Washington, his fate was certain. Great 
danger was apprehended of his crossing James 
River, and endeavouring to retreat southwardly 



GENKKAL MUIILKNBERG. 265 

through Norlh Carolina; and to counteract this 
design, General Muhlenberg was thrown across 
the river, and assigned the responsible duty of 
apposing the attempt if made. Judge Johnson in 
his Life of Greene says: "Although the move- 
ment of Lord Cornwallis, with a view to retreat 
southwardly, is not mentioned by any historian 
of the war, yet the intelligence came from Lafay- 
ette and Muhlenberg, through Governor Burke, 
and there is little reason to doubt its reality. It 
is known that Lafayette actually moved to the 
bank of James River to counteract such a move- 
ment, and Muhlenberg was thrown across the 
river to place himself in Lord Cornvvallis's front; 
not with a hope of resisting him in his progress, 
but, as Muhlenberg declares, ' with a view to 
precede him, and by destroying all the means of 
subsistence and transportation, to impede his pro- 
gress until he could be overtaken by a force 
competent to deal with him.' Upon the first in- 
telligence of this movement of Lord Cornw'allis, 
the most animated measures were adopted by 
Governor Burke of North Carolina to co-operate 
with Muhlenberg. Every boat on the Roanoke, 
Neuse, and Meherrin, was secured under guard 
2 ,'5 



206 MEMOIU OF 

or destroyed, every crossing-place guarded and 
crossed by abatis, and the militia ordered out 
' en masse.' " The following extract of a letter,"^ 
from General Muhlenberg to Brigadier-General 
Jones, dated August 29th, 1781, confirms the fact 
above stated beyond the possibility of doubt. Its 
publication may be useful, inasmuch as it esta- 
blishes a point which has been passed over in 
silence, and even denied by many writers who 
have treated of our revolutionary history. 

" Dear General, — 

" The Marquis has received certain intelligence 
that Lord Cornwalhs means to penetrate with his 
army from York to South Carolina by land, to 
avoid being locked up by the French West India 
fleet, which is now on the coast. The Marquis 
directs me to give you this information, and re- 
quests you immediately to collect every boat and 
canoe on Roanoke below Halifax, and have them 
either brought there or destroyed. Those brought 
to Halifax must be kept under a guard, that they 
may be either removed or destroyed as circum- 
stances may render necessary, and you will be 
pleased to use the same precaution on Meherrin 



GENERAL MUIILENEEKG. 267 

River. I am just arrived at this place, in order to 
collect the militia on the south side of James River, 
and shall, as soon as the enemy begin their move- 
ments, endeavour to throw as many obstacles in 
their way, by destroying bridges, mills, provisions, 
&c., as possible, and as soon as I am able to ascer- 
tain their route, I shall give you immediate notice, 
retreat bctbre them, and endeavour to form a junc- 
tion with you on Roanoke. Should the enemy 
have sent armed boats, or established magazines 
in any place in North Carolina, (particularly New- 
bern,) the Marquis requests you will endeavour to 
destroy them. 

" I have, my dear sir, just given you a sketch of 
our plan. The main body is now moving tow^ards 
James River, but will not cross until his Lordship 
moves; but I make no doubt that if your militia 
and those from this place turn out well, we shall be 
able to keep his Lordship at bay at Roanoke, until 
our main army can get up. I shall be happy to 
hear from you as soon as possible. I shall give 
you immediate notice of the enemy's move." 

Whether these active preparations deterred Lord 
Cornwallis from making the attempt, or whether 



526S ^5K.\lolK or 

he relied so iiuplioiily lipon tljo promised reinforce- 
ments from New York, as to remain where he was, 
cannot now be ascertained ; but certain it is, that 
the attempt was not made, and on the 14th of Sep- 

I tember, General Washington and Count Rocham- 

i beau arrived at Williamsburg. 

Some little time wr.s taken up in awaiting the 
arrival and disembarkation of the two divisions of 
the allied army, and of the battering train, which 
had been sent in the division of the fleet from 
Rhode Island. These matters being arranged, and 
the plan of attack settled, the troops moved for- 
ward from Williamsburg lo York, and on the '29\h 
the investiture ol' the place was completed. 

After his return tVom the southern bank, where 
he had not been long detained, General Muhlenberg 
1 as;ain assumed the command of the advanced ijuard 
on the lines ot \ orktown, where he had been posted 
by Lafayette. Upon him. therefore, devolved the 
very responsible duty o\ watching the enemy's 
movements, and confining them to Yorktown until 
the arrival of the allied army. The position was 
one of great danger, requiring unceasing vigilance; 
for it was not to be supposed that Lord Cornwallis 
would quietly await the arrival of his captors: and 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. '-209 

liad he made an attempt to escape, the whole 
weight of the blow would have tallen on the Ame- 
rican advance, to whom the least negligence might 
have been fatal. The following letter to the Com- 
mander-in-chief gives an idea oi' the constant watch- 
fulness required by Ceneral ^luhlenberg's situation. 

"Bursvell's .^lill^, Sept. '23d, 178]. 
"Sir, 

" Since the evening before last, I have not been 
able to procure the least intelligence from \ork, 
neither have we had a deserter from the enemy 
since that time. I have had parties continually on 
the Hampton, Warwick, and Ilalfway-house Roads, 
who have been within sight of their pickets, but 
none of the enemy have been out. It is certain that 
the number of shipping is much diminished at York; 
but whether they attempted to get out the night be- 
fore last, or whether the enemy have sunk them in 
the channel, I cannot yet find out. A large smoke 
was seen yesterday morning before York, which 
has occasioned a report that the enemy have burnt 
some of their shipping. 

•' I have the honour to be. vfcc." 

The only hope of Lord Cornwallis now remain- 
23* 



270 MEMOIR or 

ing, was ihat he would be enabled to hold his posi- 
tion until the arrival of the promis^ed reinforcements. 
He therefore defended himself desperately, but the 
American advances were distinguished equally by 
energy and rapidity. On the 0th, the first parallel 
was run, and on the 9th, fifty-two pieces of heavy 
artillery opened upon the besieged. On the 1 1th, the 
second parallel was run within three hundred yards 
of the works; and on the night of the 15th, the 
enemy's two flank redoubts, known as " the twin 
batteries," were stormed and taken at the point of 
the bayonet. The one was attacked by the French 
grenadiers under the Baron de Yiomenil, and the 
other by the American light infantry, under the 
general command of the Marquis de Lafayette. 
This brilliant exploit terminated the siege. The 
place was no longer defensible ; and despairing of 
being reinforced, on the 17th a parley was beaten, 
and on the 19th Yorktown surrendered. 

This assault, however, requires a more extended 
notice in this sketch, in order that the justice which 
has been so long denied, may now be done to Ge- 
neral Muhlenberg's conduct upon this occasion. If, 
in the course of the narrative, it should seem that 
an attempt is making to detract from the well- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. ^71 

earned reputation of Colonel Hamilton, the writer 
can only say, that nothing could be farther from 
his intention, and that his simple object is to arrive 
at the truth as nearly as possible, and do justice 
between these parties. 

It is now generally stated and believed, that the 
American light infantry who stormed the redoubt 
on the left of the British works, were com.manded 
by Colonel Hamilton ; and he has accordingly re- 
ceived the honour deservedly due to so brilliant an 
exploit. Such, hov^'ever, was not the fact; for the 
immediate command of the storming parly was ( 
beyond all doubt entrusted to General Muhlenberg, 
whose brigade composed it; and the gallant manner 
in which the attack was executed, would form a 
bright page in the military history of any nation. 

Colonel Hamilton, after having quarrelled with 
the Commander-in-chief, threw up his appointment \ 
on the general staft', and joined Lafayette in Vir- 
ginia, who gave him a regiment in the brigade of 
light infantry commanded by General Muhlenberg. 
The date of his commission made him the senior 
colonel. To this brigade and that of Hazen was 
assigned the duty of attacking the redoubt, the 
whole under the command of General Muhlenberg. 



•J /"J MEMOIR or 

The light infantry brigade was composed ot" the 
regiments of Hamilton, Gimat. Barber, and Voso. 
and were disposed in the following order. The 
advanced corps consisted of Gimat's and Hamil- 
ton's regiments, the whole commanded by the latter: 
whilst at the usual distance in the rear came the 
remainder of the column, consisting of Barber's 
and Voso's regiments, and Hazen's brigade, under 
the immediate command of General Muhlenberg. 
Almost at the moment of the attack, thinking the 
advance not sutliciently strong, he despatched 
Colonel Barber's regiment to its aid, which arrived 
at the instant the advance were getting over the 
works, and executed its orders with the greatest 
gallantry. This little incident alone would be suf- 
ficient to show that Colonel Hamilton could not 
possibly have been in chief command, even if his 
advocates could explain the military novelty of a 
colonel commanding his own general. At the same 
time, high praise is undoubtedly due to Colonel 
Hamilton, who commanded the advance or forlorn 
hope of the storming party. He executed his orders 
with the utmost gallantry and skill, carrying his 
men over the breach and into the works at the 
point of the bayonet. But his over-zealous political 



GE.NKKAL MCHLEMJEKC 273 

friends, \vho claimed the chief comniaiKl for him 
until the country nearly believed it. only injured 
his well-earned reputation by claiming ihat for him 
which he undoubtedly did not possess. General 
Muhlenberg, after entering the redoubt, was slightly 
wounded: the only despatch, therefore, reporting ils 
capture, was the one written by Colonel Hamilton, 
as senior otiicer of the brigade, and commander of 
the advance of the storming party. This faci may 
perhaps account for this unfounded claim, as it cer- 
tainly gave it some colour. 

It may not be improper here to slate another 
iact bearing upon this point, which although de- 
pending upon verbal testimony, can be easily esta- 
blished. Major Isaac Heydt, lately deceased, who 
resided in Frederick County, Virginia, was one of 
General Muhlenberg's aids during this campaign. 
He assured the writer in 18-40, that General Muh- 
lenberg, accompanied by his stati', advanced at the 
head of the reinforcement, (Barber's regiment,) and 
in person led the storming party. This testimony, 
coming from one of the few surviving actors in the 
scene, is valuable: and corresponding, as it does, 
with the ollicial account in part, the remainder is 
rendered n^.ore probable. 



27 1 MEMOIR OF 

Tlic following is an extract iVoni Lafayotlc's offi- 
cial report, detailing the disposition ot'tlie troops/"* 
\ and it is hard to perceive how any other con- 
clusions can be drawn from it, than those above. 
" Colonel Gimat's battalion led the van, and was 
followed by that of Colonel Hamilton, wiio com- 
manded the whole advanced corps: at the same 
time a party of eighty men under Colonel Laurens, 
turned the redoubt. * * * Colonel Barber's batta- 
lion, which was the first in the supporting column, 
being detached to the aid of the advance, arrived 
at the mon.enl they were getting over the works, 
and executed their orders with the utmost alacrity. 
The rest of the column under Generals Muhlenberg 
and Ilazen, advanced with admirable firmness and 
discipline. Colonel Vose's battalion displayed to 
the loft, a part of the division successively dressing 
by him, whilst a second line was forming column 
in the rear. It adds greatly to the character of the 
troops, that under the fire of the enemy, they dis- 
played and took their ranks with pertoct silence 
and order."" 

This view of the facts has been before stated, but 
many circumstances prevented General Muhlen- 
berg's just claims from being pressed. Among the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 275 

most pvoiiiiiiont o{' those was the trairic death 

I 

ol Geneial Hamilton, which, in obedience to the * 

maxim of " nil de mortuis," prevented all contro- 
versy. The following extracts w.riy, however, not 
be unaccoptablo. The lu'st is from the Aurora, , 
when edited by the venerable Duane, and was 
never replied to. *' Among the Germans, the man 
most celebrated was General Peter Muhlenberg, 
■who had distinguished revolutionary services to be 
proud of, but who has been the last ever to name, 
and the most reluctant to hear them spoken of. 
General Muhlenberg, now in the advance of life, 
with the resolution of a lion when in danger, and 
with a highly cultivated mind, displays the sim- 
plicity of one imacquainted with human all'airs, and 
unsuspecting of human infu'mities. This man it 
was, who, at the memorable siege of Yorktown, / 
achieved that laurel, with which a certain orator at 
New York wished to ornament the tonib of a man. of 
Avhom, being dead, we shall not speak irreverentlv." 
The next is from '* Rogers' Remembrancer of Ame- ) 
rican Heroes, Statesmen, and Sages," a work ' 
published in the early part of the present century. 
"General Muhlenberg was a particular favourite of 
tl.e (\-)mmander-in-chief, and he was one of those 



27 (» MEMOIR OF 

bra\"e men in whose coolness, decision of character, 
and undaunted resolution, he could ever rely. It 
has been asserted, with some degree of confidence, 
that it was General jNIuhlenberg who commanded 
the American storming party at Yorktown, the 
honour of which station has been attributed by the 
different histories of the Revolution to another per- 
son. It is. however, a well-known fact, tliat he 
acted a distinguished and brave part at that siege." 

Other extracts of a similar character might be 
inserted, but it is unnecessary. The writer has 
endeavoured to perlorm an act of simple justice : 
that done, his object is accomplished. 

On the 10th the capitulation of Cornwallis*"^ — 
one of the proudest events in American history — 
took place, and the Revolution was now virtually 
accomplished. 

{General Muhlenberg continued in the army until 
the treaty ot' peace in 17S3. All active operations, 
however, were suspended, except those in the far 
South, and a brief notice will, therefore, be sutticient 
for this portion of his career. 

His health having suftered severely in this cam- 
f paign, he requested permission from General Wash- 
ington to return to his family until it should be 



GENF-RAT, MUHLENRKRG. 277 

re-established, in tho tollowing letter, in whioli he 
very modestly alludes t(^ his t'onstnnt service. 

" Williamsburo-, Oct. •J;^d, 17S1. 

" Sir,— 

•• A lew days ago, I received permission from 
Major-General the Marquis de Lafayette, to retire 
to this place for the recovery of my health : the 
constant anil violent fever I have had lor the ten 
days past, has not only reduced me very much, but 
I am afraid if it continues much longer, will put 
it out of my power to remove for some time. I 
would, therefore, request your Excellency's permis- 
sion to go over the mountains, as I have at present 
an opportunity to make use o{ a carriage going 
that way. 

" Your Excellency will please to remember that 
I had obtained permission to visit my tamily in the 
spring of 177i>, but was preventeil by Ceneral 
Woodtbrd's remaining longer in Virginia than was 
expected. In November, 1770, I obtained your 
Excellency's permission again, but was stopped in 
Philadelphia by the Board of War, when the Xiv- 
ginia line was onlered to Charleston. Since that 
time I obtained permission from Baron Steuben to 
24 



278 MEMOIR OF 

go home for a time, but had been there only three 
days, when I was recalled by express, at the time 
when Arnold invaded the state. 

" I have the honour to be, &c." 

His request was of course complied with, for few 
officers could show such an uninterrupted length of 
service, and that, too, of so severe a nature. His 
family still continued to reside in Woodstock, and 
he remained with them until the following spring. 
In February, 1782, he wrote to General Hand, 
then Adjutant-General, that, " having somewhat 
recovered," he would be pleased to receive any 
orders of the Commander-in-chief, and requested to 
be sent to South Carolina,*"^ where the army under 
General Greene was still engaged in active hos- 
tilities. General Washington, however, replied, 
saying, " As there cannot be at present any com- 
mand for you in the southern army, you cannot be 
so well employed as in superintending the recruit- 
ing service, which I desire you to undertake." He 
further says : " I cannot proceed to point out your 
line of conduct particularly; I can only recommend 
a strict conformity with the law, and make an 
earnest request that the recruits may be drawn to 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 279 

the place of general rendezvous as soo??. as possible.''^ 
He was thus again thrown into the same position 
he had occupied in 1780, General Greene still 
relying for his reinforcements and supplies upon 
Virginia. But the importance of the command 
was much lessened, by the fact that for the future 
no attack upon the state need be feared. 

Cumberland Old Court-house, a few miles south of 
James River, had been appointed the place of gene- 
ral rendezvous, Colonel Febiger being there in com- 
mand. General Muhlenberg immediately proceeded 
thither, despatched officers in various directions 
with recruiting instructions, and established rules, 
which introduced o,tder and regularity into the 
system ; at the same time he ordered a general 
court-martial to inquire into the conduct of the 
ofHcers, many of whom had been long absent with- 
out leave. By thus drawing the reins of discipline 
tighter, he succeeded in putting the line upon a 
more respectable footing. The Assembly shortly 
afterwards passed a bill for raising three thousand 
regulars, the superintendence of which was entrust- 
ed to General Muhlenberg. On the 3d of July he 
writes to the Commander-in-chief, saying that, 
" From the plan they have adopted, 1 flatter myself 



280 MEMOIK OF 

we shall meet with belter success than heretofore." 
The same letter contains a passage showing the 
great difficulties American officers had experienced 
throughout the whole war, arising from the obstruc- 
tion of transportation. In March, the General had 
been notified that a supply of clothing had been 
sent him, and he now had a detachment of one 
hundred and fifty men ready to march to General 
Greene's head-quarters, who were only detained by 
Its non-ari'ival. He says : " Should General Greene 
order them to march before the clothing arrives, he 
will be astonished to sec so ragged a corps coming 
from Virginia." 

In a letter to General Washington, dated August 
15th, 1782, the following passage occurs: "I beg 
to inform your Excellency that, after I had been at 
the trouble of sending out recruiting officers, and 
visiting the different posts, I was compelled to 
relinquish the finest prospects of success, and by an 
order from the Governor, to recall the recruiting 
officers, because it was found impracticable to pro- 
cure the promised bounty-money. Our whole de- 
pendence at present is on the Act passed last session 
for raising three thousand men by draft." Pressed 
upon all sides as General Muhlenberg was with 



UliNERAL MUIILKNBEIIG. 281 

demands for reinlbrceincnts, it must have been 
highly discouraging, after having taken the mea- 
sures he had, to be obhged to give up his hopes of 
success on accoimt of the poverty of the treasury. 
It was, however, but (;ne of the many annoyances 
of a similar nature to which he was subjected 
during his long command in Virginia. 

The following letters,"^ which passed between 
Generals Muhlenberg and Greene, relative to the 
reinforcement of the southern army, present a vivid 
picture of the then existing state of things, and will 
be read with interest. They show that although 
lessened in importance, the command of the former 
was by no means a sinc:cjie. 

•'Head-quarters, liound O, Dec. Q7tli, 1781, 
" Dear Sir,— 

" I have not had a line from you for a long time. 
The late successes in Virginia, and the new ar- 
rangements there, leave me at a loss how or where 
to address myself upon matters that concern the 
line of your state. 

" Captain Ragsdale, by vvlioin this will be de- 
livered you, comes on the most pressing emergency 
to solicit aid from Virginia, for the support of our 
24* 



282 MEMOIR OF 

army. The enemy are in daily cxpcc^tatioii of very 

large reinforcements from New York and Ireland, 

which will make them so very formidable, as to 

leave us little or no hopes of holding any footing in 

this country, without speedy reinforcements. I beg 

you, therefore, if you have this business in charge, 

to forward us every man lit for duty. The terms 

of service of most of your line here have expired. 

" I am told Colonel Frazer, from ill health, or 

from matters of interest, is not willing to come to 

this country. Should this be the case, and Colonel 

Matthews is exchanged, I wish he may have the 

command of the first troops that march. I have 

written to the Governor for two thousand militia to 

reinforce us, if Continental or state troops cannot 

be immediately levied. I beg you to have them 

forwarded without loss of time — everything depends 

upon speedy reinforcements. 

" I am, dear sir, 

" Your most obedient, humble servant, 

" N. Greene. 
" General Muhlenberg." 

"Richmond, May 25th, 1782. 
" Dear General, — 

"I did myself the honour to write to you in the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 283 

beginning of this month, and enclosed a return of 
the men at Cumberland. Since that time we have 
received some small reinforcements, among the rest 
a detachment of seventy rank and file from the 
eastern shore. I am in daily expectation of re- 
ceiving clothing from Philadelphia, and as soon as 
it arrives, I hope to equip and send on tv^^o hundred 
men. The House of Assembly are now sitting, but 
have done nothing yet of any consequence, except 
entering into some spirited resolves against any 
private negotiation with the enemy, and against 
any negotiations contrary to our alliances and 
federal union. They likewise resolve to exert 
the whole power of the state against the enemy, 
this campaign. How far they will comply with 
Uie last, time will evince. Your letter of the 6th 
instant was this day laid before the House, and is 
now under consideration. 

" You have, no doubt, heard that Great Britain 
is again making proposals to treat with America, 
but still in the old style. They have appointed 
Commissioners, who are authorized to treat with 
Congress, Assemblies, or even individuals. This 
renders the whole suspicious. 



284 



MEMOIR OF 



" We have not yet received the particulars of 
the engagement between the fleets, but I am afraid, 
from every circumstance, that the French were 
worsted, and have lost six ships oi" the line, among 
the rest the Ville de Paris. 

" Colonel Carrington has arrived, and is forming 
contracts for the supply of the troops. As soon as 
this is finished, the Colonel will go on to the south- 
ward. I shall be happy to receive your orders 
with regard to the sending on the recruits, and 
could wish to be one of the party. 

"I have the honour to be, 

. " With the highest respect, dear General, 

" Your most obedient humble servant, 

" P. Muhlenberg. 
" General Greene." 

"Head-quarters, South Carolina, July lOtli, 1782. 
" Dear Sir, 

" Your two letters of the 23d of April and the 
25th of May, have been received. The plan you 
propose of sending the recruits oft' in companies, 
meets my entire approbation, but I would have you 
allot to the several companies the number of the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 285 

regiment to which they arc to helong. For in- 
stance, the first eight companies are to compose 
the first regiment, the next eight the second, and so 
on as far as the recruits will extend. 

'* I am disappointed very much in being informed 
that you have only collected one hundred and 
three men at Cumberland ('ourt-house. Is there no 
possibility of remedying this capital defect in the 
execution of your laws? Surely the drafts might 
be collected if the executive of the state would 
make some inquiry into the matter. As Virginia 
has resolved to exercise her whole force this cam- 
paign, it is to be hoped that her views will be 
extended to the state of her Continental line. You, 
sir, having the management of all military matters 
in Virginia, may possibly influence their attention 
to this material object. 

" I place great confidence in your exertions, and 
doubt not that everything will be done that attention 
and industry can effect. 

" From the various reports that have gone abroad, 
you will possibly expect a confirmation of the eva- 
cuation of Charleston and Savannah ; but as yet they 
are both in possession of the British, and I fear will 



28u MEMOni OF 

continue so for some tinne. There have been no 

active operations foi* a long time. 

" I am, sir, with esteem, 

" Your most obedient servant, 

" N. Greene. 
«♦ To General Muhlenberg." 

Although all active hostilities had ceased, except 
in South Carolina and Georgia, it was still believed 
by many persons high in authority, that the war was 
not ended, but that another attempt at the reduction 
of the rebellious Colonies would be made. Every 
effort was therefore used to increase the army, 
and General Muhlenberg was directed to collect 
troops as rapidly as possible. The news of the 
evacuation of Charleston rendered it unnecessary 
to further reinforce General Greene : he was there- 
fore directed to collect his recruits into a single 
body, and pay the utmost attention to disciplining 
and fitting them to take the field. As the future 
operations, if any, would probably take place in the 
North, Winchester Barracks was appointed the 
place of general rendezvous, and in the beginning 
of November the troops and stores were there 
removed. 



GENEUAL MUHLENBERG. 



287 



This removal ended his official correspondence 
and connexion with General Greene, under whose 
orders he had served almost uninterruptedly from 
the beo-inninsi; of 1777. Greene knew him well, and 
knowing, esteemed him highly both as a man and 
an officer. Their private correspondence shows 
that their friendship was undiminished, and, " until 
the death of the latter," says Judge Johnson, "Gene- 
ral Muhlenberg continued to be one of his most 
intimate and esteemed friends." 

The new general rendezvous was but twenty 
miles from the residence of his family. Hencefor- 
ward, therefore, his visits were frequent, the more 
so as the weight of his military duties was conside- 
rably lessened. Still, however, he was by no means 
idle. Many things required his attention, and espe- 
cially the conduct of some of the officers, who not 
being actively employed, had leisure to think of and 
brood over their grievances. This produced a 
spirit somewhat mutinous, which was increased by 
the fear that if the war should shortly end, the 
army would be disbanded without provision being 
made for their just claims. A few acts of whole- 
some severity,"^ however, suppressed the spirit 
within the bounds of General Muhlenberg's com- 
mand. 



288 MEMOIR OF 

Nor were the preparations for the next campaign 
discontinued. On the contrary, increased activity 
was desired, as appears from the following letter 
of the Commander-in-chief, the last in the official 
correspondence between himself and General Muh- 
lenberg. 

"Head-quarters, Newburgli, Feb. 5, 1783. 
" Dear Sir, 

" I have been duly favoured witii your letter of 
the 13th of January, and have written to Governor 
Harrison that it was much to be wished that the 
obstacles mentioned by you might be removed, and 
that measures might be taken during the winter for 
forming the troops now in the state, with the de- 
tachment which I imagined would be sent back by 
General Greene from South Carolina, into a com- 
plete regiment or regi(nents, in such a manner as 
that they might be properly appointed and fit for 
service at the opening of the next campaign. 1 
doubt not you will contribute your utmost exertions 
towards accomplishing so interesting and desirable 
an object. 

" With great regard, I am, &c," 

In the month of March, however, news arrived 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 289 

that the preliminaries of peace had been signed by 
the Commissioners at Paris, and the collection of 
new recruits was therefore discontinued. 

About this time General Muhlenberg received his 
promotion to the rank of major-general,*"^ a step I 
well deserved, and hardly earned by long and ' 
severe service. He was at this time one of the 
oldest brigadiers in the army ; and during the 
greater portion of the war, had not only been 
the senior officer of the Virginia line, but also the | 
commander of the regular troops of that stale, 
which position was the command of a full major- 
general. 

Some months afterwards, the army was formally 
disbanded, and General Muhlenberg returned to his f 
family in Woodstock. He had the happy con- 
sciousness of having discharged his duty; and al- 
though at the close of the war he found himself 
without a profession, his property much diminished, 
and his health seriously affected, still he thought, in 
the language of Steuben, "if we win the great prize 
we fight for, the price can scarcely be too great." 
That prize was now won. 

During the remainder of the summer and fall of 
1783, he remained at Woodstock, recruiting his 
25 



290 MEMOIR OF 

health, and enjoying that repose to which for years 
he had been a stranger. His former congregations 

?. wished him to return and again take charge of 
ihem as their pastor; an evidence of the firm liold 
he still had upon their affections. He however 
declined the offer, feeling its impropriety, and saying 
" that it would never do to mount the parson after 
the soldier." But the losses he had suffered during 
the war rendered it imperatively necessary that he 

{ should again engage in some profession or business. 

", He decided, therefore, upon removing to Pennsyl- 

i vania, where his venerable father, who was still 
living, and the remainder of the family, resided. 
He intended, when there, to enter into the mercan- 
tile business, having made arrangements to that 

) effect with his brother-in-law, then a merchant in 
Philadelphia. In November, he accordingly re- 
moved from Virginia to reside permanently in 
Pennsylvania, with the history of which state his 
future career is intimately connected. He dwelt 
at first with his father, in the village of the Trappe, 

j until such time as he could make arrangements to 
remove his family to Philadelphia. Circumstances, 
however, arose, which induced him to relinquish 
his intention of going into business, and lie there- 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 291 

fore remained at this place during the following 
winter. 

The military bounty lands received by General 
Muhlenberg for his services during the war, amount- 
ing to about thirteen thousand acres, had now be- 
come an object too considerable to be neglected. 
His present intention was to locate the greater part 
of them in the territory of Ohio, a short distance 
west of Fort Pitt, and removing to the West, to 
settle upon them himself. This made him anxious 
to view these lands personally; besides which, he 
had been appointed by the Assembly of Virginia 
one of the superintendents to locate the lands in- 
tended for the officers and soldiers of the line of 
that state. These reasons induced him to under- 
take a journey to the Falls of Ohio, (now Louis- 
ville,) in the spring following. After leaving Fort 
Pitt, the whole journey was through an unbroken 
wilderness; and indeed that portion of Pennsylvania 
lying between the mountains and the fort was not 
much better. Some few extracts from the daily 
journal he kept during this journey, may not be un- 
interesting to the reader. 

On the 22d of February, 1784, he set out from 
the Trappe on horseback, accompanied by a Cap- 



2!)2 



MEMOIR OF 



tain Paske. Travelling via Lebanon, Harris's 
Ferry, and Carlisle, on the Gth of March they 
reached Bedford, where he gives the following 
account of his personal appearance : — " Politics 
and politicians are as plenty here as in Philadel- 
phia, if great things can be compared to small. I 
had flattered myself that, as we were going towards 
the frontiers, we should soon be out of the latitude 
of politics; but even here two men cannot drink 
half a gill of whiskey without discussing a point in 
politics, to the great improvement and edification 
of the bystanders. Especially so to me, while I 
stand by incog, and hear the name of Muhlenberg 
made use of, sometimes in one way, and sometimes 
in another ; for were I known, I believe no one 
would have the hardiesse to mention that name 
with disrespect, and look at me, for I have at pre- 
sent the perfect resemblance of Robinson Crusoe : 
four belts around me, two brace of pistols, a sword 
and rifle slung, besides my pouch and tobacco pipe, 
which is not a small one. Add to this the black- 
ness of my face, which occasions the inhabitants to 
take me for a travelling Spaniard, and I am sure 
that my appearance alone ought to protect me from 
both politics and insult." On the 10th, they arrived 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 293 

at Fort Pitt, where a number of gentlemen were 
waiting the breaking up of the ice. The difficulty 
and danger of the journey may be conceived from 
the fact that in a letter from this place he says, "The 
fortitude and perseverance of old soldiers were 
necessary, to bring us through thus far." On the 
31st, ihey commenced their journey, the fleet con- 
sisting of five sail, which, says the journal, the 
company had in joke named the Muhlenberg, the 
Ellis, the Lewis, the Dowdon, and Carpenter's Mis- 
take. On the 4th of April, they passed the mouth 
of the Sciota, where the General landed, and on the 
spot where the flourishing town of Portsmouth now 
stands, killed a buffalo and a deer. On the 6th, they 
landed again, not far from the mouth of the Little 
Miami, where, the journal says, " We killed three 
bufialoes, but found them too poor to eat, so that 
we determined to kill no more. The winter must 
have been very severe here, and hard for the game, 
as we have this day found several deer, one bear, 
and four buffaloes dead in the woods, who seem to 
have perished through want." It seems passing 
strange at this day to speak of finding deer, bears, 
and buffaloes within a few miles of the present site 
of Cincinnati. This place they passed on the 8th; 
25* 



204 MEMOIR OF 

and of it the journal speaks as follows: — "At three 
o'clock, we passed the mouth of the Great Miami, 
a beautiful river, having from appearances excellent 
bottoms on both sides. From what I have hitherto 
seen of the river Ohio, and the lands on both sides, 
I make no doubt that in time this will be the first 
and most valuable settlement in North America. 
At present it is inhabited by vv'ild beasts only, whose 
music in the night sounds rather harsh to the ear, 
and puts me in mind of heavy iron doors grating 
on their hinges." On the 11th,- they arrived at 
Louisville, which the General visited the next day, 
and describes as consisting of " a court-house, a 
jail, and seven huts besides the fort." He adds, 
however, that, " from the prospect of the lands in 
the vicinity of the town, and its situation, it pro- 
mises fair to become a place of great importance." 
Both these prophecies have turned out to be re- 
markably correct. 

A large number of otficers interested in the 
military bounty lands were here awaiting the 
arrival of General Muhlenberg, whose presence 
as chief superintendent was necessary. A lottery 
was prepared and drawn, deciding the priority of 
location of the various warrants; and then prepa- 



GENEKAL MUHLENEEKG. 295 

rations were made to run the lines dividing the 
lands of the Continental and State officers. The 
hostility of the Indians, however, and the utter 
impossibility of procuring the guard ordered by 
the Governor of Virginia, prevented much being 
done. Still, various parties of surveyors were des- 
patched to the different districts, and everything 
accomplished wiiich the circumstances of the case 
permitted. General Muhlenberg's health was now 
beginning to sutler under the hardships he was 
obliged to endure, and a purchase of two hundred 
thousand acres of land w^hich he had made, ren- 
dered his presence necessary in Philadelphia. He 
therefore resolved upon returning with a small 
party who intended crossing Kentucky to the 
Cumberland, then a journey dangerous in the 
highest degree, the whole country being infested 
by hostile Indians. 

The journal thus describes their mode of life 
at the Falls. " April 18th. — Several bears were 
killed in the vicinity of this place; and we now 
live as perfectly wild as if we were totally in the \^ 
wilderness. Bear, buffalo, venison, turkey, and 
fish, form our whole and sole diet. The fish 
caught in the Ohio are large and excellent in 



296 MEMOIR OF 

quality. The catfish weigh from five to one 
hundred and forty weight, the mushanengi or 
pike from ten to forty pounds, and the perch from 
three to fifteen and twenty pounds — the latter is a 
very delicious fish. As our whole dependence 
for living is on hunting and fishing, we take it 
by turns, and I have this day caught eleven fine 
perch besides some catfish." 

On the 18th of May, they set out on their long 
and perilous homeward journey. Colonel Harrod's 
station, (now Harrodsburg,) being their first point 
of destination. " Here," says the journal, " I left 
Mr. May, and went five miles farther to visit 
Colonel Abraham Bowman, who was formerly 
my Lieutenant-Colonel. I got there about twelve 
o'clock, and immediately after my arrival was 
taken with the fever and ague, which will per- 
haps disable me from going through the wilderness 
with the next company, who start on the 25th 
from Crab Tree Orchard." The meeting between 
these two old friends must no doubt have been 
highly gratifying to both ; and by the kind nursing 
of Colonel Bowman's family, the General recovered 
sufficiently to be enabled to start with the com- 
pany, who consisted "of forty-two men, one woman, 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 297 

and three negroes, who were armed with nineteen 
guns, several brace of pistols, and some swords. 
From this place we have now to go one hundred 
and twenty miles to the next cabin or station, 
twenty-five miles to the next, and forty to the 
next. The company have provided themselves 
with pack-horses to carry provisions for at least 
ten days, and as we have some reason to appre- 
hend danger from the Indians, we have determined 
to march regularly, and guard our camp at night 
to prevent a surprise. 27th. — * * * We passed 
several graves, where persons had been interred 
who were killed by the Indians, though, in fact, 
they cannot be called graves, as they only raise 
a pile of old logs over the bodies, to prevent the 
wolves from devouring them. * * * At twelve 
o'clock we arrived at Flat Lick, where we killed 
a buflalo and dined. We then started, and at 
four o'clock crossed the Cumberland River, two 
miles beyond which we came to a place which 
is much frequented by the Indians, and not im- 
properly called the * Shades of Death.' It lies on 
a small creek between two mountainous precipices, 
and is covered so thickly with laurel that the 
beams of the sun cannot penetrate at noonday. 



298 MEMOIP^ OF 

In the midst of the valley we found the bones of 
several human bodies, on which probably the 
wolves had made a repast. I proposed making 
a halt in order to bury them, but the gloominess 
of the place prevented the motion from being 
seconded. We rode three miles farther, and en- 
camped for the night on the waters of Yellow 
Creek, having ridden fourteen miles from Flat 
Lick. We formed a picket of twenty-four men, 
and kept four sentries out. I had the honour to 
be appointed sergeant of the guard, and relieved 
every hour." Quite a promotion indeed for a 
Major-General in the armies of the United States, 
especially as the following extract shows what 
valorous troops composed his oommand. •' 29lh. 
We are now in North Carolina, and travel 
almost in the direction of the state line. After 
we had prepared ourselves to start, and some 
had already mounted, we were alarmed by the 
barking of some dogs, and at last a dog, with 
his ears cut and trimmed in the Indian fashion, 
made his appearance. The company, or at least 
some of them, gave me a specimen of their valour : 
every man prepared to shift for himself by mount- 
ing his horse, while I took post with my gun at 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 89-9 

a tree, and should consequently have been left 
alone, if the Indians had come upon us : the 
alarm, however, blew over." From this point 
they pursued their journey through Virginia, ar- 
riving at Washington County Court-house on the 
1st, and Lexington on the 8th of June. From 
this point General Muhlenberg travelled leisurely 
through the state, meeting with many of his old 
acquaintances, and enjoying their hospitality, until 
on the 26th, he reached Philadelphia, having been 
four months in accomplishing his long and arduous 
journey. 

Shortly after his return, he addressed the fol- 
lowing letter to General Mifflin, then President 
of Congress, in relation to the disposition of the 
Indians in the western territory. Its length must 
be apologized for, by the important link it supplies 
in the history of our western settlements. 

"Philadelphia, July 5th, 1784. 
" Sir, — 

" I have the honour to inform your Excellency 
that I have just returned from the Falls of Ohio, 
where, during my stay of two months, I endea- 
voured to make myself acquainted, as much as 



300 MEMOIR OF 

circumstances would admit, with the present dis- 
position of the Indians in that quarter, relative 
to peace with America. 

" I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency 
with the few remarks I have made, wishing to 
conduce towards hastening the treaty with the 
Indians, as it is, in the opinion of those best ac- 
quainted with Indian affairs, the critical time in 
which the best opportunity offers, either to esta- 
blish a peace, or prevent them from forming a 
general combination against us. 

" From the best accounts we could get at the 
Falls, several attempts have lately been made by 
some of the Indian nations to form a general 
confederacy, which was prevented by the Shaw- 
neese, who refused to join until they should be 
fully apprised of our intentions, and by a quarrel 
which arose between the Kickapoose and Chick- 
esaws, who are now engaged in a desperate war. 

** A public embassy from the Shawneese arrived 
at the Falls during my stay there ; they informed 
me that it was the general wish of the nation to 
engage in a firm and lasting peace; but so much 
time had elapsed since hostilities between America 
and Great Britain had ceased, in which nothing 



GENEUAL MUHLENBERG. 301 

had been done with regard to them, that tfiey 
suspected our intentions were not friendly, and 
in their private discourse they gave us repeated 
hints, that if we meant to take any of their land 
on the west side of Ohio, it would not be given 
up without a contest. They have, however, de- 
livered up part of the prisoners they have taken, 
and have promised to bring in the whole. The 
Piankeshaws likewise sent an embassy requesting 
a treaty, but their number as well as influence is 
small, and I believe their coming was occasioned 
by a report that an armed force was coming 
against them, to chastise them for some depreda- 
tions they had committed near the Falls. 

" In April last, a council was held at Oport, to 
which the different tribes on the Wabash were 
invited, but none attended except the Piankeshaws. 
The Owiottonons, Maumees, Kickapoose, and 
Lower Delawarcs refused, and not only threat- 
ened the Piankeshaws if they went to the council, 
but openly declared that they intended to com- 
mence hostilities against us ; and I have reason 
to believe that nothing has hitherto prevented them 
but the hope they still entertain of being joined by 
the Shawneese and their allies. The Chrckesaws 
26 



302 MKMOIR OF 

have been and still continue to show themselves 
friendly, giving every assistance to our people 
coming into the nation. They sent a message 
to the Falls in May, requesting our assistance 
against tlie Kickapoose, and informed us that the 
Kickapoose had lately killed five or six white men 
at the mouth of the Ohio, and burned one man 
where Fort Jeflerson lately stood. They likewise 
gave us another piece of information, on which, 
however, I lay no great stress : that the Spaniards 
had promised them and some of the neighbouring 
nations, to supply them with ammunition, &c., 
provided the x\mericans should attempt to dis- 
possess them of any of their lands. 

" From every observation I have made, 1 am 
led to believe that the Shawneese at present take 
the lead among the Indian nations on the western 
waters, and that if a general treaty cannot be held 
at this time, a particular treaty with them would 
keep the other Indians quiet, and give us so much 
time, at least, as will be necessary to provide 
against tlie worst. K this is not done before the 
fall, I am convinced from llie present situation of 
afl'airs that a war is unavoidable. The frontier 
inhabitants show as much inclination for it as 



GENERAL MUHLEMBEllG. 3Q3 

the Indians, expecting that troops from every 
quarter will be sent to their assistance. 

" The gentlemen who received the Illinois grant 
of one hundred and fifty thousand acres opposite 
Louisville, on the west of Ohio, have already laid 
off a town in that district, which is settling fast, and 
this will probably give rise to an immediate quarrel. 

" I should not trouble ^^our Excellency with these 
remarks, did I not plainly foresee the miserable 
situation to which the frontiers will be reduced by 
a war breaking out at this time, when the inhabi- 
tants are tolall}' unprepared, and lulled into security 
by depending on a general treaty, and on succours, 
which at any rate must come too late, if the Indians 
act decidedly. 

" Permit me further, sir, to express my fears 
with regard to the places at which it is said the 
treaties are to be held, — Fort Pitt and Louisville. 
Tlie inhabitants near the first have not forgot poor 
Crawford and his fellow-suflerers ; those at the 
latter still remember the Blue Lick and other 
places, where the Indians exercised their cruelties 
upon them; and private revenge will certainly take 
place, especially in a country where every man 
thinks he has a right to do what seemeth best in his 



304 MEMOIR OF 

own eyes. Fort M'lntosli, the mouth of the Great 
Miami, or the new town opposite Louisville, would 
be much more eligible, and prevent the mischiefs 
that might otherwise arise. 

" As I mean to become a resident of the western 
waters, and shall set out again for the Falls in 
September next, I shall be happy to be the bearer of 
any orders, either from your Excellency, or the 
honourable the Committee of Congress. 

" I have the honour to be, &lc." 

The following letter written to Baron Steuhen is 
upon the same subject. It is interesting, as it shows 
not only their continued tViendship, hut also the 
care General Muhlenberg took of the pecuniary 
affairs of his old cominandcr. 

" rhiladclphia, Sept. 'Jtli, 1784. 

" Deau General, — 

" In the beginning of July 1 returned to this place 
from the Falls of Ohio, and should have written to 
you immediately, had I not flattered myself that I 
should see you on your I'arm in the vicinity of New 
York; but my intentions have hitherto been frus- 
trated l)y some business or other, and the tiuie is 



GENERAL AlUULENBERG. 305 

drawing near when my presence will be necessary 
at Louisville. I should have continued at the Falls 
this summer, had I not found it absolutely necessary 
to wait on Congress to give them some information 
relative to the settlements on the western waters, 
and to hasten, if possible, the treaty with the In- 
dians. The Indians show many signs of discon- 
tent, and cannot bear the thoughts of our settling on 
the west side of Ohio, where the most valuable part 
of our militai'y lands lie. A treaty with them, I 
hope, will put us in full and peaceable possession of 
Sciota, where I think the best part, if not the 
whole of your lands, ought to be located. I shall, 
however, (if I do not receive your orders to the 
contrary,) act for you as I would for myself, and 
locate where I think it will turn out to the greatest 
advantage. 

*' I have this day received a letter from Major 
Ludeman,"° who is at present in Richmond. He 
requests me to solicit a recommendation from you 
to Congress in his behalf, that he may obtain a part 
of his arrearages of pay in specie, to enable him to 
return to Europe ; upon the same footing as some 
others have received. I did not wish to trouble 
you with things of this kind, but Ludeman is so 
26* 



306 i\ii;Moin. of 

deserving an officer, that 1 thought it my duty to 
acquaint you with his reciucst. 

"I shall continue in this city for two or three 
weeks longer, and shall be happy to receive a line 
from you before I set out. 

" I have the iionour to be, 

"Dear Baron, &c." 

At the time appointed, General Muhlenberg again 
set out on a journey to the West, and succeeded in 
locating his own land-warrants, and those entrusted 
to him by his friends, to his satisfaction. At the 
same time he finished the duties assigned him as 
superintendent. These objects being accomplished, 
in the winter or spring following, he returned to 
his family in Philadelphia. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 307 



CHAPTER IX. 

Civil Life of General Muhlenberg — The Soeicty of the Cinein- 
nati — His Connexion with the Order — Eleeted Vice-President 
of Pennsylvania — Insurrection in Wyoming — Its Causes — 
Exertions in favour of Ratification of the Constitution — Elected 
Member of the First Congress — Course in that Body — Cool- 
ness with General Washington — Its Cause — Command of the 
Indian Army — Baron Steuben's Annuity — Removal of Con- 
gress — Formation of a new State Constitution — The Trout 
Letter — Elected Member of the Third Congress — Proposed by 
tiie President as one of the Generals in the New Army — Elected 
Member of the Sixth Congress — Condition of Parties — His 
Snpportof Mr. Jefferson — Election of 1800 — Plan for Declaring 
the Election Null — Mr. Jefferson's Letter — Course of General 
Muhlenberg — Elected to the United States Senate — Appointed 
Supervisor of Pennsylvania — Collector of Philadelphia — His 
Death and Character. 

The few remaining pages of this sketcli will be 
devoted to a concise account of the civil life of 
General Muhlenberg. It must, however, be ne- 
cessarily very brief, the narrative having already 
exceeded the limits assigned. This part of his 



308 MEMOIR OF 

career, too, continued for nearly twenty years, 
during the greater portion of which time he was 
high in office, and intimately connected with all 
the leading men and measures of this most interest- 
ing period of our national existence, a period of 
which the secret history still remains to be written. 
His correspondence with Jefferson, Gallatin, Rush, 
Franklin, Mifflin, M'Kean, Leib, and others, would 
alone cover many pages; but were this part of his 
life examined with the same minuteness as the 
military portion, many chapters, instead of one, 
would be requisite. 

Before proceeding to that part of his career 
which may be strictly termed civil, a few words 
will be necessary to explain his connexion with the 
Society of the Cincinnati. The history of that 
order is so well known as to render any account 
of its origin unnecessary. Its purposes were un- 
doubtedly pure and good, and its establishment was 
a natural result of the disbanding of the army. It 
was not to be supposed that men who had shared 
together the toils and dangers of a seven years' 
war, would willingly separate without making some 
arrangement to keep up their connexion, and occa- 
sionally meet to chat over the way in which fields 



GENERAL MUHLENUERG. SOQi 

More lost nnd wot). But although this, and this 
only, was the original design, another objeet was 
so plain and evident a result of the institution of 
the order, that without being openly avowed by 
cither, it was felt and tacitly acknowledged by 
both soldiers and civilians. 

The officers of the revolutionary army, after 
having endured hardships and privations scarcely 
paralleled in history, now that the great object for 
which they had struggled was accomj)lished, were 
about being disbanded, and it was very evident 
that the country was unwilling or unable to recom- 
pense them for their services. If the officers con- 
sented to this dissolution, the moment they were 
separated, and scattered, as they would be, over the 
whole length and breadth of the land, their influence 
would be annihilated, and their only dependence be 
upon the justice of the government. By remaining 
united, however, they still continued to form an 
important body in the legally unrecognised divi- 
sions of the people, and by acting in concert and 
as a whole, their weight and influence would be 
sufficient to enable them to demand justice if de- 
nied. This w'as undoubtedly the cause of the 
violent hostility to the order exisiitm; amunti; civi- 



no 



MEMOIR OF 



lians, although, as is often the case, it was never 
mentioned, but the so-called aristocratic features of 
the institution were the objects selected for attack. 

General Gates was the senior, General Mulilen- 
berg the second officer of the Virginia line; but the 
former, since his suspension fronn command in 1780, 
had tacitly withdrawn from the army, and ihe latter 
became its virtual head. In this position he felt 
that he had grave duties to discharge towards the 
brave men who had otlicered those troops. He 
knew their services and their sacrifices, the justice 
of their claims upon government, and the little pro- 
bability of those claims receiving attention. Know- 
ing these men, too, so intimately as he did, he 
believed correctly that, after the patriotism they 
had already displayed, there was no danger of their 
taking any step which would tend to destroy the 
liberty their swords liad won. With these views. 
General Muhlenberg became and continued an ac- 
tive member of the order. 

In the mean time the contest waxed warm. Go- 
vernor Burke, of South Carolina, commenced the 
attack upon the Cincinnati. Men's minds became 
inflamed, and the strus^le bid fair to result in 
drawing closely the lines between the civilian and 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 311 

ihe soldier. This was to be deprecated, for it was 
sowing dissension in the nation at a time when 
unanimity was all-itnportant. It was producing an 
evil greater than any good which could result from 
the establishment of the order; and the officers 
added another to the long list of sacrifices they had 
already made, by voluntarily laying down the power 
they possessed. The obnoxious features of the order 
were expunged, the masses were satisfied, and har- 
mony was restored. In this work of reconciliation, 
General Muhlenberg was among the foremost. He 
had supported the institution of the Cincinnati, 
believing it to be beneficial and proper ; but when 
he found that its existence in its then shape, acting 
upon the prejudices and inflamed passions of the 
multitude, threatened to become a great evil, he 
yielded. Some provision had been made for the 
officers; and its being made was in a great measure 
to be attributed to the influence exerted by the Cin- 
cinnati, during the short period of their active ex- 
istence. 

Throughout his whole life, General Muhlenberg's 
frankness and aflability of manners seem to have 
rendered him a favourite with the people. This 
was evidenced in Virginia, in the year 1774, and 



312 MEJIOIR OF 

now again in Pennsylvania. Allliougii he had been 
a resident of the slate but a single year, he was 
nevertheless elected Vice-President in the fall of 
1785, Dr. Franklin being at the same time chosen 
President. These elections were held under the 
Constiiution of 177G, then in force, and which as- 
signed these titles to the first and second officeV of 
the state. 

General Muhlenberg continued to hold iliis otiice, 
being annually re-elected, until the fall of 1788; 
and as Dr. Franklin was at this time much engaged 
in national business, and consequently absent for 
long periods, the reins of government were for the 
greater portion of the lime in the hands of the Vice- 
President. During these years nothing occurred 
worthy of particular mention in this place, save the 
insurrection in Wyoming. This was produced by 
the contlicting claims of the states of Pennsylvania 
and Connecticut. The former claimed the northern 
boundary she at present possesses, whilst the latter, 
on the authority oi' her original charter, insisted 
that her northern and southern boundary lines 
should be extended westwardly to the Mississippi; 
which claim, if allowed, would have embraced the 
whole northern portion of Pennsylvania. Both 



GENERAL MUIlLENBEUt!. 313 

States had erected counties, both had sold lands, 
the same tract being often sold to ditl'erent persons; 
both had appoit)lcd sheriffs, and both claimed juris- 
diction. The disputes arising from contested land 
claims, however, proved to be the worst in their 
effects; and as Pennsylvania actually exercised 
jurisdiction, the New England settlers took up 
arms, and for a short time the beautiful valley of 
Wyoming was the scene of a petty civil war. The 
most important of these events occurred during the 
time that General Muhlenberg was the chief exe- 
cutive officer of the state, and upon him fell the 
unpleasant duly of suppressing this insurrection. 
Bodies of militia were repeatedly called out to aid 
the sheriff; and upon one occasion, in the year 
1788, the Vice-President was obliged to ask of 
Congress that a regular force be ordered there, 
which was done. This show offeree re-established 
the authority of Pennsylvania. Many of the in- 
surgents were captured, some killed, and the re- 
mainder, after releasing Colonel Pickering and the 
other prisoners, fled from the state. By these ener- 
getic means the insurrection was suppressed, but 
the flame continued smouldering as long as the 
countenance of the state of Connecticut was ex- 
27 



314 ' MEMOIR OF 

tended to the rioters, nor did the disturbances 
finally cease until the claims of that state were 
ceded to Pennsylvania. 

During this time the question of forming a new 
constitution was agitated, the old articles of con- 
federation having proved themselves utterly in- 
sufficient for the purposes intended. The powers 
conferred upon Congress by that instrument were 
insufficient for the government of the nation either 
in peace or war; and accordingly, delegates from 
the different commonwealths met in convention at 
Philadelphia, and on the 17th of September, 1787, 
presented the present Constitution of the United 
States to the states, for adoption or rejection. Its 
merits were warmly canvassed, and much oppo- 
sition existed to its provisions. General Muhlen- 
berg was an ardent advocate of its adoption, and 
exerted his influence in Pennsylvania, particularly 
with the Germans, most successfully. It was said 
at the time, that to his exertions was owing in a 
great measure the speedy adoption of the new con- 
stitution by that state, a decision which exerted 
great influence upon the other members of the con- 
federacy. His brother Frederick was Speaker of 
the Stale Convention called to ratify or reject the 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 315 

instrument ; and as both held at the same time high 
official position, and united in their object, their 
mutual efforts increased their power. 

In the year 1788, the Constitution was ratified by 
eleven states, and went into operation. In Decem- 
ber of the same year. General Muhlenberg was 
chosen one of the members of the first Congress, to 
serve from March 4th, 1789, to March 4th, 1791. 
The election was held by general ticket, eight 
members being chosen. 

This Congress assembled at Nevi^ York, then the 
seat of government ; but nearly a month elapsed 
before a quorum appeared. On the 1st of April, 
this was found to be the case, and the House or- 
ganized by the election of Frederick Augustus 
Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, as Speaker."* Many 
important duties devolved upon this body. It was 
the first Congress assembled under the Constitution, 
and the new government was to be put in motion 
under all the disadvantages usually experienced in 
starting so cumbrous a machine; in addition to 
which, a great mass of business was to be disposed 
of, that had been left undone by the old (congress. 
The Constitution, too, was untried ; much hostility 
existed towards it, and numerous amendments were 



310 MEMOIR OF 

proposed by the various states, which were 1.o be 
acted upon by this Congress. Revenue was to be 
provided for a bankrupt treasury; debts of an enor- 
mous amount were to be ascertained and paid; and 
preparations made to guard against the threatening 
relations of the country, both with some of the 
European powers, and the Northwestern Indians. 

Although rarely speaking, General Muhlenberg 
look an active part in all the proceedings of the 
body of which he was a member, serving upon 
several important committees, among which were 
that on the national defence, that on the regulation 
and discipline of the militia, who were then the 
only defence of the country, and intended to supply 
entirely the place of a standing army ; and that on 
the reserved military bounty lands of Virginia. In 
all these, his military knowledge and experience 
proved highly serviceable. 

In the limits of a single chapter, it is of course 
impossible to detail his views and action upon the 
great questions then dividing the country. One of 
his votes, however, must be mentioned, as it had 
the misfortune to lose him for a time the friendship 
of General Washington. 

The President, although a hrm republican, was 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 317 

a Virginia gentleman of the old school, and accus- 
tomed to the observance of a considerable degree 
of form and ceremony. Educated as he had been, 
and thinking as he did, it was natural that he should 
wish the introduction of some form and pomp into 
the new government of which he was the head. He 
desired particularly that some title should be annexed 
to the presidential office, and was said to favour that 
of " High Mightiness," used by the Stadtholder of 
Holland. A resolution to appoint a committee to 
inquire by what title it would be proper to address 
the President, was introduced into both Houses of 
Congress ; and whilst it was under discussion, it so 
happened that General Muhlenberg with several 
other members of Congress were invited to dine 
with the President. Among the members was Mr. 
Wy nkoop, of Pennsylvania, a gentleman remarkable 
for his large and commanding stature. At the table 
the resolution as to the President's title naturally 
underwent some discussion; and General Washing- 
ton, in his usual formal manner, turning, said, " Well, 
General Muhlenberg, what do you think of the title 
of High Mightiness t" The latter replied, laughingly, 
"Why, General, if we were certain that the office 
would always be held by men as large as yourself 
27* 



318 MEI\IOIR OF 

or my friend Mr. Wynkoop, it would be appropriate 
enough ; but if by chance a President as small as 
my opposite neighbour should be elected, it would 
become ridiculous." This evasive reply, so different 
from what was expected, produced some merriment, 
and General Washington looked displeased. Gene- 
ral Muhlenberg, however, whose feelings inclined 
him towards the strict republican party, then led 
by Jefferson and Madison, voted against any title 
whatever being conferred on the President ; and 
this vote, it is said, completed General Washing- 
ton's displeasure. The storm afterwards blew over, 
but whilst it continued, it probably contributed in 
causing another disappointment to General Muh- 
lenberg. 

This was the loss of the command of the Indian 
army. The Indians in the Northwestern Territory 
had been dissatisfied for some years at the rapid 
advance of the whites ; and this dissatisfaction now 
broke out in open hostilities, which were so for- 
midable as to require an army of regular troops to 
be sent from the East. General Muhlenberg's ac- 
quaintance with the Indians of the West, gained in 
his two visits to Kentucky, his popularity with the 
western frontier-men, and skill in their peculiar 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 319 

mode of warfare, pointed him out as an eminently 
proper person for this command. He was accord- 
ingly warmly pressed upon the President by his 
friends ; and before the slight rupture alluded to, it 
was generally supposed that he would be appointed. 
General St. Clair was, however, selected, and Ge- 
neral Muhlenberg remained in Congress. 

During this session he also had the satisfaction 
of again befriending Baron Steuben,*^ having been 
mainly instrumental in procuring the allowance of 
an annuity of $2500 per annum to the Baron, as a 
recompense for the losses he had sustained by re- 
signing the offices he held in Germany. 

During this session, also, the question of the re- 
moval of Congress from New York to Philadelphia 
was agitated, and finally passed, the permanent 
seat of government being fixed in the state of Penn- 
sylvania, on the banks of the Susquehanna. The 
last clause of the resolution was afterwards modi- 
fied, but the former was carried into effect. Con- 
gress remaining at Philadelphia until its removal 
to Washington. Much feeling on this subject was 
manifested, and General Muhlenberg advocated the 
measure warmly. Dr. Rush, in a letter to him, 
writes as follows : — " I rejoice in the prospect of 



320 MEMOIR OF 

Congress leaving New York: it is a sink of political 
vice. I have written fully to Mr. Madison upon the 
subject." And again : — " Do as you please, but 
tear Congress away from New York in any icatj. 
Do not rise without eflecting this business." 

The formation of a constitution for Pennsylvania 
was the next great object that required the attention 
of the statesmen of that commonwealth. That of 
1776 was defective in many respects, but princi- 
pally in its having constituted a body called the 
Council of Censors, whose powers were unlimited, 
extending even over the constitution itself In con- 

f junction with his brother, General Mifflin, Dr. Rush, 
A. J. Dallas, Thomas Leiper, Dr. Leib, and other 
leading men of the state, General INIuhienberg 
turned his thoughts in this direction. Their united 
exertions procured the call of a convention, who 
finally produced the constitution of 1790, of which, 
in another letter. Dr. Rush said very truly, " It is 
thought by good judges to be the best in the union, 
if not in the w^orld." The adoption of this constitu- 

J tion was in a great measure to be attributed to the 
influence exercised in its favour by General Muh- 
lenberg among the Germans; and some years later, 
when an attempt at alteration was made, he wrote 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 321 

to General, afterwards Governor Hiester, the letter 
which is still known in Pennsylvania politics as the 
" Trout Letter." Its publication was thus prefaced: 
"•Although permission was not given for presenting 
it to the jircss, }'et considering the weight of this 
revered patriot's opinions in the state, it was deemed 
of too much importance to be withheld from the 
public." The following is the letter itself, the 
peculiar phraseology of which arises from the fact 
that it is a translation from the German. 

"Philadelphia, Aug. 3, 1805. 
" My deaf. Sir, — 

" Have you again arrived safely at Reading, or 
are you still wandering among the Blue Mountains, 
talking of the election and feasting on trout? As 
soon as you return, let me hear of the prospects in 
your country. 

"I have heretofore thought that, as I was an 
otBcer of the United States, it would be improper 
for me to interfere too zealously in this affair. But 
I cannot help observing with surprise and regret 
ihnt many of our countrymen suffer themselves to 
be led astray, without reliecting upon the conse- 
quences which must ensue if a change should at 



322 MEMOIR OF 

present be made in the constitution. Our country- 
men, the Germans, are generally not so light-minded 
in important aflairs ; and it must now be owing to 
a want of information. We have heretofore lived 
peaceably, happily, and contentedly under the ope- 
ration of the present constitution ; and although it 
might be amended in some instances, yet the ques- 
tion which naturally arises is, whether this is the 
proper time to attempt it, when the minds of men 
are exasperated, and no one will yield to the other. 
" If the people have once given up their right, if 
they have once called a convention, this convention 
has the right of making any alteration it pleases, or 
of completely overthrowing the old constitution, 
and forming one entirely new. This new consti- 
tution may be then as it will ; it may please us or 
not. Repentance will come too late, and we shall 
be completely bound. The more I reflect on this 
subject, the more I am convinced that an alteration, 
if made at present, would produce the most un- 
happy consequences to the peaceable farmer. That 
many wish to fish in troubled waters is evident ; and 
that some have reached the height of impudence, 
and arc lost to all sense of shame, is certain. For 
Heaven's sake, only read that shameless toast, drank 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 323 

publicly on the fourth of July last — * The equal dis- 
tribution of p7-operty /' Wo, therefore, unto him 
who has a large farm, particularly when others 
possess none. 

" Excuse the hasty manner in which this is 
written. I have so little time I can call my own, 
that I have been compelled to write this in my 
otlice. 

" Your sincere friend, 

" And humble servant, 

" P. Muhlenberg. 
" Josepli Hiester, Esq." 

This decided letter did much to check the spirit 
of innovation and even agrarianism which was then 
raising its head, and the proposal to change the 
constitution met with an almost unanimous rebuke 
at the ballot-box. It is introduced here as a me- 
mento of the past, and on account of the great 
excitement its appearance produced. 

In December, 1793, General Muhlenberg took 
his seat in the Third Congress of the United States, 
having been chosen a member from the Montgo- 
mery district, and served until its termination in 
March, 1795. His brother Frederick at the same 



324 



MEMOIR OF 



time \vas again chosen Speaker. During this Con- 
gress he served on many important committees, 
principally, however, on those connected with miH- 
tary subjects. 

In the year 1798 an incident occurred which 
was highly complimentary to the military reputa- 
tion General Muhlenberg had established for him- 
self in the late war. The aggressions of France 
rendered it necessary to raise a new army, which 
was placed under the command of General Wash- 
ington, whose advice was desired respecting the 
appointment of general officers. For this purpose 
a list was presented to him by the Secretary of 
War, and upon this list the name of General Muh- 
lenberg was placed, along with those of Knox, 
Hamilton, Lincoln, Morgan, Gates, Hand, Pinck- 
ney, Burr, and others."^ This was at a time when 
General Muhlenberg was an open and violent poli- 
tical opponent of the administration of Mr, Adams, 
a fact which enhances the value of the compliment, 
for it takes away all suspicion of favouritism. 

Ever since the formation of the Constitution, the 
diflerence between the two political parties had 
been growing wider and wider, but now the party 
lines were being strictly drawn, and it behooved 



GENEUAL MUHLENBERG. 325 

men to take sides. In Pennsylvania especially, 
party feeling was at its highest, and as the Republi- 
can party was stronger there than in any other 
large state, it became the principal battle-ground. 
The following extract from a sketch of General 
Muhlenberg, published in the Democratic Review,"* 
shows the course he took in these " troublous 
times." 

" During the period of General Muhlenberg's 
Congressional services, the political parties were 
developed which have ever since, under whatever 
change of name, agitated the country. In that day 
they w^ere known as Federal and Republican, and 
then, perhaps, more than at any subsequent time, did 
party feeling run highest. As a leader of the Re- 
publican party. General Muhlenberg took an early 
and decided stand. He was not a man to flinch 
from the responsibilities of his party position, and 
bringing to it as he did, great weight of character 
and of personal popularity, his influence in building 
up and sustaining the ascendency of his party was 
felt and freely acknowledged. In 1799, as in 1844, 
the gubernatorial election in Pennsylvania was 
made the battle-ground of the approaching pre- 
sidential contest. It is a matter of history what 
28 



326 MEMOIR OF 

means were resorted to in order to overawe the 
Republicans of that state upon that occasion. The 
part that General Muhlenberg then took, was ad- 
mitted at the time to have mainly contributed to 
the success of the Republican candidate, Thomas 
M'Kean. The result in Pennsylvania saved the 
Republican party of the Union." 

In the year 1797, at the presidential election 
1 which resulted in the choice of Mr. Adams, he was 
an elector from Pennsylvania, and voted upon 
every ballot for Mr. Jefferson. In the year follow- 
ing he was again chosen a member of Congress, 
to serve from the 4th of March, 1799, to 1801. 
These were the years still known in the political 
I history of Pennsylvania as the Reign of Terror, and 
* in truth the heavy hand of Government was felt 
severely by its political opponents in that state. 
During this Congressional term the contest between 
Jefferson and Burr took place, and both having the 
same number of votes, the election was referred to 
the House of Representatives under the provision 

! of the constitution then in force. General Muhlen- 
berg was a warm supporter of Mr. Jcflerson during 
the whole of this arduous contest, voting for him on 
every ballot, until the thirty-sixth, when he was 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 327 

declared elected, the Federalists having become 
alarmed, and withdrawn several of their votes. 

During the pendency of this contest, an event 
occurred which is not generally known, and in 
which General Muhlenberg was one of the promi- 
nent actors. It was the nearest approach to a 
revolution which has ever threatened this country, 
and for that reason probably all papers connected 
with it have been destroyed, and the very existence 
of the project is almost unknown. Greatly as steps 
of this kind arc to be deprecated, there was much 
in the circumstances to excuse the gentlemen en- 
gaged. Their passions were excited to the highest 
degree, they behoved that the clearly expressed 
will of the people was to be set aside under the 
semblance of law, and that the liberty of the coun- 
try was in danger. Besides this, nearly all had 
been actors in the Revolution, and hence a civil 
war, or rather the intervention of an armed force, 
was not deemed so terrible an act as it would be at 
the present day. The disease certainly was despe- 
rate, and they may therefore be excused for intend- 
ing, if necessary, to apply a desperate remedy. 

The Government, after finding that no choice 
was made by the House of Representatives between 



328 MEMOIR OF 

Jefterson and Burr, desired the passage of a law 
declaring the election null and void, and vesting 
the chief executive power in some officer, probably 
the Chief Justice. This outrageous violation of 
the constitution would have secured their position 
to the party in power for another presidential term : 
and with so easy an example before them, of nulli- 
fying an election, it may well be doubted whether 
any other would ever have taken place. Mr. Jef- 
ferson, in a letter*'^ to Monroe, dated Feb. 15th, 
1801, gives the following account of these occur- 
rences. " If they could have been permitted to 
pass a law for ])utting the government in the hands 
of an olficer, they would certainly have prevented 
an election. But we thought it best one and all to 
declare openly and firmly, that the day such an 
act passed, the Middle States would arm, and that 
no such usurpation, even for a single day, should 
be submitted to. The first shook them, and they 
were completely alarmed at the resource for which 
we declared, to wit, a convention to reorganize the 
government and amend it. The very word con- 
vention gives them the horrors, as in the present 
democratical spirit of America, they fear they should 
lose some of their favourite morsels of the consti- 
tution." 



r.ENERAL MUHLENBERG. 329 

The plan thus faintly shadowed forth was un- 
doubtedly firmly resolved upon as an ultimate 
resort, and preparations fully made for carrying 
it into execution. General Muhlenberg was selected 
as the head of the military force necessary, and 
the militia of Pennsylvania under his command 
were to march immediately upon the capital and 
depose the usurping government, whilst the states 
called a convention to amend the constitution. It 
would have been a fearful blow to the cause of 
self-government, and every American should thank 
heaven that so great a calamity was averted. But 
before condemning those engaged in the scheme, 
among whom were Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, 
M'Kean, and others of the purest patriots in the 
country, it would be well to inquire whether a 
quiet submission to so fatal a violation of the 
constitution, would not have been a greater blow 
to the liberties of the nation, than even a restora- 
tion of the constitution bv force. At all events 
no one can doubt that the actors were influenced 
by the purest motives, and by what they firmly 
believed to be the good of the country. The dan- 
gerous nature of the scheme probably prevented 
any part of it being committed to writing, the 
28* 



330 MEMOIR OF 

extract from Jefferson's letter being the only docu- 
mentary evidence the writer has been able to find ; 
the other facts above stated were related by General 
Muhlenberg himself to his nephew, shortly after 
their occurrence. 

On the 18th of February, 1801, he was elected 
a member of the United States Senate from Penn- 
sylvania. A few months after taking his seat, 
however, he resigned this post, and on the 30th 
of June, in the same year, received from Mr. Jef- 
ferson the appointment of Supervisor of the Internal 
Revenue for that state. In July, 1802, he was 
appointed Collector of the Port of Philadelphia, 
a liighly important and lucrative ofiice, which he 
retained until his death, which occurred at his 
country seat near Philadelphia, on the 1st of 
October, 1807. 

During the whole of this period, General Muh- 
lenberg maintained an active connexion with the 
leading men and measures of the day. His inti- 
macy with Jefferson, Madison, Gallatin, Monroe, 
(the last of whom had been a member of his ; 
military family,) and others of the leading states- » 
men of the Union, continued unabated, whilst in 
his native state, the weight of his character, his 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG. 



331 



probity and revolutionary services, caused him to 
be regarded as one of the first of Pennsylvania's 
sons. Esteemed and respected by both political 
parties, his opinions exerted an almost controlling 
influence witii those of his own political principles. 
The Germans especially regarded him as their 
peculiar leader, and their weight in the state, at 
all times great, was then at its acme. In addition 
to the esteem his own services had gained, he had 
inherited a large portion of the regard universally 
felt for his late venerated father, the patriarch of 
the Germans in America ; and whatever other faults 
this class of our citizens may possess, forgetfulness 
of those who have served them certainly cannot 
be ranked among their bad qualities."" 

The immediate cause of his death was an affec- 
tion of the liver, originating from the exposure he 
had endured in his southern campaigns. It was 
the cause of much suffering during the last year 
of his life, which he bore with the fortitude of a 
soldier until its fatal termination. He died lamented 
by all who knew him. 

He was tall in person, very active in body, and 
of undaunted bravery. His coolness and determi- 
nation, combined with his correct judgment, made 



332 MEMOIR OF 

him one ol the men on \vhotn General Washington 
relied for success, and upon ^vhom from previous 
personal knowledge he could depend. He was 
modest in regard to his own actions and claims, 
and always careless in asserting them. He was 
easy and popular in his manner, retaining through- 
out life the frankness of the soldier. A stern 
republican, he was ever on the side of the people, 
and unhesitating and undeviating in his opposition 
to all aristocratic measures. 

In the language of another,''' his character is 
thus summed up : "• General Muhlenberg was one 
of those characters which in a revolution always 
find their level. He was by nature a soldier. 
The frolic incident of his youth indicated the turn 
of his mind. He entered the church, doubtless, 
with as sincere and honest purposes as any of 
her ministry, but the agony of his country called 
him from the altar with a voice that touched 
every chord of his soul. The time for fighting 
had come — the time to try men's souls. His whole 
heart was with his country; rebellion against tyrants 
was obedience to God, and so feeling and so 
thinking, he went forth from the temple to the 
field. He was brave and generous to a fault, a 



GKNKRAL MUIILENBEUG. '{33 

proper brigadier to Greene, irho loved him. Cool 
ill danger, sound in judgment, indillcrcnt to iame, 
zealous in duty: these were his distinguishing traits 
as a soldier. His virtues in private and political 
life were all cognate to these." 

But two of his sons, Peter, a major in the army 
during the late war with Britain, and Francis, a 
representative in Congress from Ohio, survived 
him. Both are since deceased. 

His remains rest quietly beside the tomb of his 
father, near the peaceful village church which 
witnessed his baptism. The following simple in- 
scription marks the spot: 

SACREU 

to the memory of 
General Peter Muhlenberg, 

BORN OCT. 1st, 174G. DIED OCT. IST, 1807. 

HE WAS BRAVE IN THE FIELD, 

FAITHFUL IN THE CABINET, 

HONOURABLE IN ALL HIS TRANSACTIONS, 

A SINCERE FRIEND, 

AND 
AN HONEST MAN. 



NOTES. 



(1.) The character of the Rev. Dr. Muhlenberg has 
been ably treated in a number of works. As the founder 
of the Lutheran Cliurch in America, his history has par- 
ticularly attracted the attention of the divines of that 
sect. In Dr. Schmucker's History of the Religious 
Denominations in the United States, — " He Pasa Eccle- 
sia," — an excellent summary of his character, his ser- 
vices, and his zeal, may be found. " Dor Hallische 
Nachrichten," contains his own reports to the Church in 
Germany, which show most clearly the difficulties he 
encountered, and the perseverance which eventuated in 
his success. Other works upon the same point might 
be referred to, especially " Der Denkmal der Liebe, 
1788," and " The Centenary Jubilee of 1843." 

(2.) The dangers incurred by Dr. JMuhlenberg in the 
progress of his missionary labours, are fully related by 
all cotemporaneous authorities. See " Hallische Nach- 
richten fiJr 1757 ;" History of Berks County, p. 71, 
439; and IMS. Letters of Conrad Weiser, Department of 
State, Harrisburg. 

(3.) The name of " Father Muhlenbei-g" was bestow- 
ed upon its venerable senior, by the common consent of 
the members of the Lutheran Church. As a token of 
reverence and respect, it is still unforgottcn. " Centc- 



336 NOTES. 

nary Jubilee ol' 1843," p, 15; " Denkmal der Liebe, 
1788," p. 51 ; " He Pasa Ecclesia," 384. 

(4.) At this time the traces of the Swedisii dominion 
in Pennsylvania, were still plainly visible. Many Swed- 
ish Lutheran churches slill existed, among which were 
the one near Philadelphia, one at Morlatton, and several 
in Chester and Delaware Counties. As late as the year 
1763, they were under the direction of the Rev. Provost 
Dr. Wrangel (H. M M.'s MS. Journal for 1762), who 
had been sent to America from Stockholm. After his 
return, their want of a spiritual head gradually destroyed 
their organization. Some united themselves with the 
Church of England, but the greater number became 
incorporated with the German Lutheran Church. 

(5.) The proceedings of this meeting arc published in 
full in the Virginia Gazette, for August 4th, 1774, a file 
of which paper is preserved in the Congressional Library 
at ^^'ashington. 

(6.) In order to invest the j)roceedings of the Wil- 
liamsburg Convention with more authority, at the recom- 
mendation of the Committee of Safety, the delegates 
were chosen members of the House of Burgesses, so 
that the Convention was in reality the Legislature, sit- 
ting under another name. Tucker's Life of Jefferson, 
vol. i. p. 57. 

(7.) Proceedings of the Williamsburg Convention, in 
the Congressional Library at Washington. 

(3.) The following table, showing the organization of 
the Virginia line, as originally established, may not be 
without interest, as its compilation has been a matter of 
some difficulty. The first column shows the dates of 



NOTES. 337 

the state commissions ; the soeoiul, the date of those 
issued by the Continental Congress. 

State. Continental. 

1st Rcgt. Col. Patrick llonry. j 

Lt. Col. AVilliam Cliristiau, K. July, l"y. Fob. IStli, 1770. 
Major Frank Eppos. V 

•2d Kegt. Col. William WixxUbni, 1 

Lt. Col. Charles Scott, C July, 177;"). Feb. 13th, 1776. 

Major Alex. Spottswood. \ 

M llegt. Col. Hu-h Mercer, i 

Lt. Col. Ueorgo WeoUou, ' Doc. 1775. Feb. 13th, 1770. 

Major Thomas Marshal. ^ 

4th Kegt. Col. Adam Stephen, 1 

Lt. Col. Isaac Keed, ( Pec. 1775. Feb. 13th, 1770. 

Major Robert Lawsou. \ 

5th Kegt. Col. AVilliam Teachey, i 

Lt. Col. William Crawford, ( Dec. 1775. Feb. 13th, 1770. 
Major Josiah Parker. \ 

Cth Kegt. Col. Mordecai Fmckner, 1 

Lt. Col. Thomas Klliott, ( Dec. 1775. Feb. 13th, 1776. 

Mivjor James Ileudricks. \ 

7th Kegt. Col. ■William Dangorfield, 1 

Lt. Col. Alex. M'Lanahan, ' Dec. 1775. Feb. 13th, 1770. 
Major William Nelson. \ 

8th Kegt. Col. Peter Muhlenberg, 1 

Lt. Col. Abraham Bowman, ' Dec. 1775. Feb. 13th, 1770. 
Major P. Uellenstein, ^ 

9th Kegt. Col. Thomas Fleming, 

Lt. Col. George Matthews, ^ Jan. 1776. May, 1770. 
Major M. Donovan. 

(9.) The facts stated in tliis account of General Muh- 
lenberg's flirewell sermon are abundantly established by 
all cotemporaneous accounts. See particularly Thatch- 
er's Military Journal, p. 184 ; Howe's Historical Collec- 
tions of Virginia, p. 468 ; Ivercheval's History of the 
29 



338 NOTES. 

Valley of Virginia, p. 188 ; Rogers's Remembrancer of 
American Heroes, Statesmen, and Sages, p. 300 ; and 
Baird's Religion in America, p. 113. 

It has also been frequently referred to in accounts of 
the services of the German citizens of the United States, 
most of the statements, however, containing some incor- 
rect particulars. It was in truth a bold and gallant act, 
and one well worthy of remembrance by the American 
people. 

(10.) General Lee's Letter to Colonel Muhlenberg, of 
April 23d, 1776, Congressional Library ; Sparks's Life 
of Lee, p. 118, 

(11.) General Lee's Letter to Edmund Pendleton, 
Juno 1st, 177C ; American Archives, vol. ii. ; Sparks's 
Life of Lee, p. 124. 

(12.) General Lee's Letter to Colonel Moultrie, June 
23d, 1770. 

(13.) General Lee's Letter to Pendleton, June 29th, 
1770 ; American Archives, vol. ii. 

(M.) Everett's Life of Henry, p. 310. 

(15.) The 8th Virginia regiment was generally known 
as the " German Regiment." By that name it is de- 
signated in the Orderly Books of Generals Washington 
and Muhlenberg, during the campaigns of 1777, 1778, 
and 1779. An account of the " German Regiment" is 
to be found in Kerchovars History of the Valley, p. 188. 
The regimental colour of this corps is still in the writer's 
possession. It is made of plain salmon-coloured silk, 
with a broad fringe of the same, having a simple white 
scroll in the centre, upon which are inscribed the words, 
"VIII Virg' Reg^" The spear head is brass, conside- 



NOTES. 339 

rably ornamented. The banner bears the traces of 
warm service, and is probably the only Revolutionary 
flag still in existence. 

(16.) General Lee's letter of .firne 22d, 1782. 
(17.) Moultrie's Revolution in Carolina and Georgia, 
vol. i. pp. 184, ISn. 

(18.) Henry IMelchior Muhlenberg's MS. Journal, 
under date of Jan. 5th, 1777. 

(19.) Journals of Congress, vol. ii. }). 19. 

(20.) Journals of Congress, vol. ii. p. 47. 

(21.) Extracted from the MS. Washington Papers, in 
the Department of State at Washington. 

(22.) Letter from Colonel .lohnson, aide-de-camp to 
General Muhlenberg, from the MS. Washington Papers. 
Appendix No. 1. 

(23.) This officer was General Andrew Lewis. He 
had been appointed a Brigadier-General, March 1st, 
1776, and bore the reputation of a skilful officer. He 
resigned because General Stephen, who was his inferior, 
was on Feb. 19th, 1777, promoted over his head to the 
rank of major-general. 

(24.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 73 ; C4eneral 
Muhlenberg's MS. Orderly Book, for 1777. 

(25.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book, for June 
22d, 1777 ; Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. i. 
p. 148. 

(26.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book, July 8th, 
1777. 

(27.) Extracted from the MS. Washington Papers. 

(28.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book, for Aug. 
23d, 1777. 



340 



NOTES. 



(29.) The question of General Sullivan's negligence 
in omitting to secure the ford above the Forks, is still an 
open question. Sec Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 
75, and Pcabody's Life of Sullivan, p. 74. 

(30.) Lord Sterling's division was accidentally formed 
on the right of Sullivan's, and during the confusion 
arising from changing positions, the enemy's attack was 
made and succeeded. General De Borre was much 
blamed for commencing this change of position without 
orders. His brigade broke first, and upon a court of 
inquiry being ordered upon his conduct, he resigned and 
returned to France, saying that " it was not his fault 
that the American troops would not fight." He had be- 
haved very gallantly, and was wounded in the attempt 
to rally his men ; but his foreign prejudices rendered 
him unpopular, and his resignation was accepted. 

(31.) The truth of this extraordinary march of 
Greene's division is established beyond a doubt. John- 
son's Life, vol. i. p. 76 ; Greene's Life, p. 53. 

(32.) Bulletin of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, vol. i. No. 7, p. 12 ; Johnson's Life of Greene, 
vol. i. p. 76. 

(33.) Historical Society Bulletin, p. 12. 

(34.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 76. 

(35.) Caldwell's Life of Greene, p. 57 ; Johnson's 
Life, vol. i. p. 77 ; Marshall's Washington ; Historical 
Society Bulletin, p. 12. 

(36.) The anonymous author of the Annual Register 
for 1777, p. 423. This work is said to be the best and 
most impartial account of the American Revolution 
extant. 



NOTES. 341 

(37.) Caldwell's Life of Greene, p. 58. 

(38.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 77. 

(39.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book for Sep- 
tember 12th, 1777. 

(40.) The following extracts from the German MS. 
Journal of H. M. Muhlenberg about this time, will no 
doubt prove interesting. His residence was at the 
Trappe, or New Providence, directly in the midst of 
the operations of both armies. The extracts also show 
the suflcrings endured by the American army during 
this campaign. 

"Thursday, September 11th, 1777. — This morning 
we heard hard and long-continued cannonading, which 
seemed to be about thirty miles oft' towards the Brandy- 
wine Creek. 

" Friday, September 12th. — We received one message 
after another, that the loss of the American army was 
very serious, and this evening my son Fred retui'ned 
from Philadelphia, with his wife and child, with the 
news that the British army was already near the city. 
In the afternoon, six wagons with a guard passed by ; 
they conveyed the principal captive Quakers to Augusta 
Co., Virginia. Now, Pennsylvania, prepare to meet the 
Lord your God." 

" Sunday, September 14th. — A restless Sabbath. No 
end to chaises, coaches, and wagons with fugitives. A 
Gentleman of intellio-cncc informed me whore the British 
army was encamped, and supposed that a division would 
cross the Schuylkill near us and take the great road to 
Philadelphia, and that our Providence would be the 
scene of their march, or even the battle-field." 
29* 



342 NOTES. 

"Tuesday, September 16th. — This afternoon about 
one o'clock we heard towards the southwest, about 
fourteen miles from us, a sharp battle with field-pieces 
and small arms, in the midst of heavy rain." 

" Wednesday, September 17th. — Since yesterday, 
and the whole night through, the stormy rain has 
continued and still continues. The poor children of men 
in both armies are badly off, and must bear the cold wind 
and rain without tents or shelter, which, particularly 
at this period of the equinox, causes serious illness. 
Here am I, old and worn out, with a sick wife subject 
to hysterical paroxysms, have with me two daughters, 
two sons' wives with two infant children, and my sons' 
parents-in-law, and expect every day and hour that a 
British division will cross the Schuykill and treat us 
without distinction, as the providence of God has ordered 
and will allow. We cannot well fly, for there is no 
place safe. Where the two armies do not reach, there 
are thieves, robbers, and murderers, who take advantage 
of the present time and condition." 

"Friday, September 19th. — In the afternoon we had 
news that the British troops on the other side of Schuyl- 
kill had marched down towards Providence, and with 
a telescope we could see their camp. In consequence 
of this, the American army, four miles from us, forded 
the Schuylkill and came upon the Philadelphia road, at 
the Augustus Church, but were wet breast high. His 
Excellency, General Washington, was with the troops 
who marched past here to the Perkiomen. The pro- 
cession lasted the whole night, and we had all kinds of 
visits from officers wet to the breast, who had to march 



NOTES. 343 

in that condition the cold damp night through, and to 
bear hunger and thirst at the same time. This robs 
them of courage and heahh, and instead of prayers, we 
hear from most, the national evil, curses. 

" Saturday, September 20. — The two armies are near 
together, the Americans on this side and the British on 
the other side of Schuylkill. Our weaker vessels have 
baked bread twice to-day, and distributed all the food 
we had to the sick and ailing. In the evening a nurse, 
with three English children of a fugitive family of con- 
sequence, from Philadelphia, arrived, and could get no 
farther, as it was night. They begged for lodging, 
which we granted, as good or bad as we had it. ' Give 
shelter willingly,' (Rom. xii. 13,) particularly to chil- 
dren, who are yet saints. There were also two negroes, 
servants of the English family, who wished to one an- 
other in secret that the British might be victorious, as 
then all negro slaves would become free ,• and this opi- 
nion is said to be general among all negroes in America. 

"Sunday, September 21. — In the afternoon we heard 
that the British army was in motion, and that it was 
probable they would come upon the great road at our 
house, and attack the American army. We were ad- 
vised to fly, as a battle might take place, and our house 
be plundered or burned. My son Henry's wife deter- 
mined to go to New Hanover, and Avished us two old 
people to accompany her. I saw no possibility, but 
wished my sickly wife to go and leave me behind alone. 
She was not to be persuaded, but would rather live, 
suffer, and die with me, in Providence. At twelve 
o'clock at night the advance of the American army, 



344 NOTES. 

with many iield-picces, came past, and some of them 
knocked at our door, as if to break it in. Our people 
rose, asked them what they wanted, and were answered, 
' Fire.' A German captain, however, drove them off. 

"Monday, September 22, — The whole American 
army came back, and encamped a mile above our 
house, because it was said the English were crossing 
and coming upon the great road at our house, and the 
battle was to take place here. We had to-day very cold 
and rough winds, which, with the equinoxes and other 
incidents, have rendered me quite sickly. We have the 
whole day had calls from hungry and thirsty soldiers." 

" Wednesday, September 24. — Last night we slept 
quietly, under the gracious protection of God. A por- 
tion of the British army is still lying about five miles 
from our house, and to-day the American army is com- 
ing back from New Hanover. Towards evening we 
saw several high rising smokes, and are informed that 
the British have burned the houses of many miUtia offi- 
cers. It is supposed they will come up and attack the 
American avant-guard to-night. 

" Thursday, September 25. — God's might and good- 
ness has listened to our prayers and protected us. All 
is quiet, and the American army has not returned from 
New Hanover. The report is that the British soldiers 
behave barbarously. They yesterday hanged up an old 
man of seventy or eighty years of age, and when nearly 
dead cut him down again ; to-day will have its own 
evils. Yesterday evening we had plenty of visiters, and 
to-day we had to breakfast Lord Sterling, General 
Wayne, their aids, and other officers. At two in the 



NOTES. 345 

afternoon a cold, heavy rain commenced, and continued 
nearly all night. The poor soldiers must suffer much, 
as they have no tents. Our barn was full of those seek- 
ing shelter, and the little hay which we had saved for 
winter was scattered and spoiled. 

" Tuesday, September SO. — Since yesterday the main 
American army is said to have advanced on the Skip- 
pack Road, and to be only twenty-three miles from 
Philadelphia. In our vicinity the militia are stationed, 
which is ruin to the farms in wood, hay, straw, and 
grain. I can neither read nor write in these restless 
times, and cannot be thankful enough for the gracious 
goodness, protection, grace, and mercy of our Saviour, 
which has governed us miserable worms up to this time. 
My children and family are scattered one here and the 
other there. Mr. Kunze and his family have remained 
in Philadelphia." 

" Friday, October 3. — There is a report that at day- 
light to-morrow the British outposts at Barren Hill and 
Gcrmantown will be attacked. 

" Saturday, October 4. — Early in the morning we 
heard several field-pieces, and in the evening were told 
that the advanced forces of both sides had fought and 
been driven backwards and forwards, until two o'clock 
in the afternoon ; that the American forces were retreat- 
ing, and would again encamp in their old position. The 
British advance, on this side of Germantovvn, had planted 
cannon about our Lutheran church, and fired out of the 
windows, but were driven out at the first attack. It may 
easily be imagined in what condition it is. The church 
at Barren Hill is not likely to be better off; the one at 



310 NOTES. 

Reading is used as a hospital, and is full of wounded, 
and the one at the village of Lebanon is full of Hessian 
captives." 

(41.) The MS. Washington Papers. 

(42.) Vide maps of the battle of Germantown, in John- 
son's Life of Greene, vol.'i,, and Sparks's Life of Wash- 
ington. 

(43.) In this, as in almost every other battle of the 
Revolutionary war, the militia proved themselves useless. 
Their valour seems to have confined itself to ill treatment 
of the inhabitants, as they generally behaved very much 
as though they were in an enemy's country. The fol- 
lowing extract from Dr. Muhlenberg's MS. Journal, 
shows the light in which they were regarded by even 
the warmest Whigs ; for nowhere is the same language 
used with regard to the Continentals: — "Saturday, 
Sept. 27. To-day I was requested to bury the child 
of one of our vestrymen. I went to the church, but 
found to my sorrow that a regiment of Pennsylvania 
militia had quartered in the church and school-house. 
The church was quite filled with officers and soldiers, 
and their arms. It was full at the organ, on which one 
was playing, and others singing to it ; below was an 
abundance of straw and manure, and on the altar they 
had their victuals. In short, I saw in miniature the 
spirit of destruction in holy places. I went in, but did 
not think it prudent to say anything to the crowd, as 
they began to mock, and several called to the player of 
the organ to i)lay a Hessian march. I sought Colonel 
Dunlap, and asked if this was the promised protection 
to civil and religious liberty. He excused himself by 



347 



saying that the militia was composed of men of all 
nations, and it was difilcult to keep up strict discipline 
with them. The schoolmaster complained that they had 
destroyed his buckwheat and garden vegetables. I could 
not help him, as my own lot of three acres, near the 
church, which was full of buckwheat in blossom, and 
from which I had hoped a frugal supply for the winter, 
had twenty horses in it, wasting far more than they 
consumed ; and if one says a word, you are called a 
Tory. 

" Wednesday, Oct. 1. — This morning several American 
regiments marched off with flying colours to join the 
main army. There are still from 2 to 3000 men in this 
vicinity, mostly militia, commanded by Major-General 
Armstrong. 

" Thursday, Oct. 2. — The remaining militia marched 
down the great road, as the main army is said to have 
advanced on the Skippack Road nearer town. It looks 
as if an army of locusts had been here." 

(44.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 85, 86. 

(45.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 66. 

(46.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 87. 

(47.) Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 109. 

(48.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 87. 

(49.) Hubley, Anecdotes of the Late War. 

(50.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. pp. 90, 91. 

(51.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(52.) Related by a sister of General Muhlenberg, at 
that time residing with her parents. 

(53.) Related by the Rev. J. W. Richards, pastor of 



348 NOTES. 

the Lutheran church at the Trappe, to whom it had been 
told by several of his oldest parishioners. 

(54.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(55.) General Weedon's letter to the President of 
Congress, dated Dec. 29, 1777. MS. in Department 
of State, Washington. 

(56.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(57.) Journals of Congress, vol. ii. p. 484. 

(58.) Journals of Congress, vol. iii. p. 418. 

(59.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(60.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book for 1778. 

(61.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(62.) Adjutant-General Hand's MS. papers. Lan- 
caster, Pa. 

(63.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 105. 

(64.) The Annual Register for 1778. 

(65.) General Hand's MS. papers. 

(66.) General Washington's letter of Aug. 4th, 1778. 

(67.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(68.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(69.) Thatcher's Military Journal, p. 184. This ex- 
cellent work gives perhaps the best insight into the actual 
condition of things in the Revolutionary army that can 
be obtained. The author had great opportunities, of 
which he made good use. 

(70.) Military Journal, p. 188. 

(71.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(72.) Lee's Memoirs of the War, p. 53. 

(73.) Lee's Memoirs of the War, p. 189. 

(74.) Bowen's Life of Steuben, pp. 60-67. 



349 



(75.) MS. Journal of H. M. Muhlenberg, Jan. to 
March, 1780. 

(76.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(77.) MS. Washington Papers. 

(78.) Jefferson's Correspondence, vol. i. p. 191. 

(79.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book. 

(80.) Extracted from the Gates Papers, in the MS. 
collections of the New York Historical Society. 

(81.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book, Nov. 17, 
1780. 

(82.) Jefferson's Correspondence, vol. i. p. 194. 

(83.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 331. 

(84.) Extracted from the Steuben Papers, in the MS. 
collections of the New York Historical Society. 

(85.) Bowen's Life of Steuben, p. 58. 

(86.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 437 ; Greene's 
MS. papers, in the possession of P. M. Nightingale, 
Esq., Ga. 

(87.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 437. 

(88.) Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. i. p. 438. 

(89.) This ofHcer was a Captain North. Johnson 
says, p. 438, " We do not find that Captain North ever 
incurred the censure which this act merited ; but it was 
impossible to justify it." 

(90.) MS. Steuben Papers. 

(91.) See Appendix, Nos. 37-40. 

(92.) Simcoe's Military Journal, p. 181. 

(93.) Correspondence of Lafayette, edited by his son, 
vol. i. Appendix. 

(94.) General Muhlenberg's Orderly Book for 1781, 

(95.) General Hand's MS. papers. 
30 



350 NOTES. 

(96.) Sec General Greene's letter — Arnold's report — 
Simcoc's Military Journal. 

(97.) Jefferson's Correspondence, vol. i. p. 219. 

(98.) MS. Steuben Papers, N. Y, Historical Society. 

(99.) MS. Washington Papers ; Memoir of Lafayette, 
vol. i. p. 513. 

(100.) Memoir of Lafayette, by his son, vol. i. p. 524 ; 
Lee's Memoir of the War, p. 299 ; Tarleton's Campaigns, 
p. 300, 347. 

(101.) Memoir of Lafayette, vol. i. p. 526. 

(102.) The Bland Papers, vol. ii. p. 71. Colonel 
Febigcr, the author of this letter, was one of the best 
officers in the Virginia line. During all the southern 
campaigns, he was under the immediate command of 
General Muhlenberg ; and his papers, as well as those 
of General Greene and Baron Steuben, bear abundant 
testimony to his merits as a gallant and accomplished 
officer. 

(103.) From the MS. papers of General Greene. This 
important letter has been hitherto unpublished. 

(104.) Memoir of Lafayette, vol. i. p. 443. 

(105.) In Trumbull's painting of the capitulation of 
Yorktovvn, in the rotunda of the Capitol, General Muh- 
lenberg's is the second figure from the left, and is said 
to be an excellent likeness. 

(106.) General Hand's MS. papers. 

(107.) General Greene's MS, papers. 

(108.) Proceedings of court-mnrtial at Winchester, 
Washington Papers. 

(109.) General Muhlenberg was promoted to the rank 
of major-general, Sept. 30, 17S3. Journals of Congress, 



351 



vol. iv. p. 281, The resolution directed that brevet com- 
missions be issued to all the brigadier-generals and colonels 
" who hold the same commission now they held in the year 
1777." The following generals were promoted. 1, James 
Clinton, of N. Y. ; 2, John Patterson, of Mass. ; 3, Anthony 
Wayne, of Pa. ; 4, Peter Muhlenberg, of Va.; 5, George 
Clinton, of N. Y. ; G, Edward Hand, of Pa. ; 7, Jedediah 
Huntingdon, of Conn.; S, John Stark, of N. H. 

(110.) Major Ludeman was a foreign officer of great 
merit. In 1780, he first became attached to General 
Muhlenberg's staff', and served with the utmost distinc- 
tion until the close of the war. His application was 
successful, and General Muhlenberg's papers show many 
other instances of the pains he took to assist the officers 
who had served under his command. 

(111.) It is amusing to observe the form and cere- 
mony, the official pomp, which was attempted to be 
cast around the first officers of the national government. 
The Gazette of the United States mentions that the 
Speaker was escorted into the city by a body of cavalry 
and a procession of citizens, and that on New Year's 
day both houses of Congress in a body waited upon 
the Vice-President and Speaker, to present their con- 
gratulations. The Speake 's card merely bore his title 
without his name, as in England, and in many other 
points the ceremonial established in that country was 
studiously observed. 

(112.) Journals of the first Congress. 

(113.) Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. ii. p. 436. 

(114.) From the pen oi" the Hon. J. Pringle Jones. 
Democratic Review, vol. xvi. p. 70. 



o52 NOTES-. 

(115.) Jeflerson's Correspondence, vol. iii. j). 452. 

(116.) This was evidenced by General Muhlenberg's 
connexion with the German Society. In 1783, he was 
elected a member of that body, and for many years 
annually re-elected its president, holding that position 
at the time of his decease. Almost during the whole 
existence of the Society, his father, his brother, or him- 
self, had been its presiding officer. 

(117.) Democratic Review, vol. xvi. p. 70. 



APPENDIX. 



No. 1. 

Head-quarters, Morristown, 9th Marcli, 1777. 
SiK, — 

I am commanded by his Excellency to acknowledge 
the receipt of your favour of llie 23d ult., by Mr. 
Swain. 

In addition to his letter of inst., which I hope 

has reached you ere this, he desires that you will use 
your utmost industry and diligence in collecting together 
all the parts of the Virginia Continental battalions within 
your reach, and send them off to Philadelphia as they 
assemble, where they will receive orders from the com- 
manding officer stationed in that city. We have already 
wrote to Colonel Morgan on this subject, and Mr. Swain 
has orders similar to Colonel Wood. These being im- 
mediately under your eye you can despatch. Let a 
sufficient number of proper officers from each battalion 
be left behind for the purpose of recruiting, with orders 
to follow as soon as any of them has completed the 
quota allotted to him. 

Much, very much indeed depends upon our being 
reinforced immediately ; the least tardiness in the re- 
cruiting officers must produce effects which they may 
repent. With respect to the eighth battalion, I am 
30* 



H54 APPENDIX. 

desired to inform you that his Excel luncy wislies you 
would nominate ten ensigns, to whom he will give 
commissions immediately on the regiment joining tlic 
army, provided they are such gentlemen as will not 
disgrace the appointment and commission. This, how- 
ever, he does not suspect, convinced that you will not 
take into service any person whom his Excellency can 
with propriety discharge. 

Congress having confirmed Major Campbell in his 
office, leaves his Excellency no power to remove him 
but for the commission of some offence. You will apply 
to Captain Stephenson to raise his company. Till he 
determines, his Excellency inclines not to interfere. 

Upon your recommendation of Mr. Swain, his Excel- 
lency has given him powers to raise a company^ of foot, 
and to appoint his subalterns. This company will be 
assigned to the eighth, if Captain Stephenson inclines to 
leave the service ; if not, Mr. Swain will serve in some 
one of the sixteen additionals. 

His Excellency, satisfied with the justice of your 
observation about rifles, has determined to have as few 
used as possible. He Avill put muskets into the hands 
of all those battalions that are not very well acquainted 
with rifles. 

To conclude, his Excellency expects to sec you here 
m a few days, there being at present not a sufficient 
number of general officers with the army. 

I am, sir, yours, &c., 

G. JoHrfSTorv, 

Aide-de-camp. 
To Brig. Gen. Peter Muhlenberg, 

Virginia. 



APPENDIX. 355 

No. 2. 

Head-quarters, Morristovvn, 27th April, 1777. 
Sir, — 

I am well convinced that the amazing desertions 
which have of late prevailed among our troops, proceed 
entirely from their not being regularly paid. For it 
is not to be supposed that the bare encouragement of 
receiving a few dollars from the enemy for their arms 
could operate so forcibly upon them. 

I have in vain endeavoured to make the officers bring 
in their pay-rolls and draw their money ; they plead in 
excuse that they are so detached, they cannot possibly 
make up regular rolls, and there may be something in 
this. But there is a cause which, I fear, will be found 
upon examination too true, and that is, that the officers 
have drawn large sums under pretence of paying their 
men, but have been obliged from extravagance, and for 
other purposes, to appropriate this money to their own 
use. There is a necessity at this time for the men's 
being paid up as nearly as possible. I therefore desire 
that you will have the different corps under your com- 
mand paraded, inquire of them what pay is due to them, 
order the paymaster or commanding officer, to draw as 
much as will be necessary, and when it is drawn, see 
that the soldiers have their proportion. 

It would be well to let the soldiers know that this 
irregularity of pay has been owing to the hurry in 
which they have been detached into the field, but that 
their wants shall be fully supplied. 



356 APPENDIX. 

I also desire that you will inform the officers that as 
soon as the regiments are drawn together, I shall cause 
an exact scrutiny to be made into their accounts, and 
inquire how these complaints of the soldiers arise for 
want of pay, when large sums have been advanced for 
that purpose. 

I am, sir, &c., 

G. Washington. 
To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg. 

No. 3. 

(Brigadier-General Peter Muhlenberg's oath of allegi- 
ance to the United States of America.) 

I, Peter Muhlenberg, Brigadier-General, do acknow- 
lerlgc the United States of America to be free, indepen- 
dent, and sovereign States, and declare that the people 
thereof owe no allegiance or obedience to George the 
Third, King of Great Britain ; and I renounce, refuse, 
and abjure, any allegiance or obedience to him ; and I 
do swear that I will, to the utmost of my power, support, 
maintain, and defend, the said United States against the 
said King George the Third, his heirs and successors, 
and his or their abettors, assistants, and adherents, and 
will serve the said United States in the office of Briga- 
dier-General, which I now hold, with fidelity, according 
to the best of my skill and understanding. 

P. Muhlenberg, B. G. 
Sworn before me at Camp, 

May 12th, 1778. 

G. Washington. 



ArrENDix. 357 



No. 4. 



June 18tl), 1778. 



Sir, — 

I have enclosed the arrangement ot" the officers of the 
1st, 5th, and 9th Vii'ginia regiments ; if it meets with 
his Excellency's approbation I would wish to put it into 
execution immediately, as it would be needless to take 
the supernumerary officers with us on the march, while 
they may be better employed in the recruiting business 
in Virginia. If his Excellency approves the arrange- 
ment, Lt. Col. Ballard will wait on him for orders for 
the whole of those officers going into Virginia, as Lt. 
Col. Ballai'd will superintend the recruiting business for 
my brigade. 

I should likewise wish to know whether it is his Ex- 
cellency's desire I should make the arrangement in 
General Weedon's brigade. 

I am, sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg, 
To Co). Harrison. 



No. o. 

Head-quarters, Valley Forge, June 18th, 1778. 
Dear Sir, — 

Colonel Harrison communicated yours of this date to 
me, with the temporary arrangement of the 1st, 5th, and 
(:>th Vircinia regiments. 



358 



APPENDIX. 



The plan is agreeable to me, and if (he same mode 
can be pursued in General Weedon's brigade, I shall be 
exceedingly glad to have it adopted. 

Nothing will conduce more to filling the regiments 
than having a number of ofiiccrs to receive the drafts as 
they are made, and forwarding them immediately to 
camp. Orders will be made out for Colonel Ballard 
whenever he calls for them. 

1 am, dear sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 
To Brig. Gen. IMulilenberg. 



No. 6. 

(July 22(1, 1778. The formation of brigades of the 
main army, extracted from the Hand MS. Papers.) 



1. North Carolina. 
Col. Clarke. 

" Patton. 

2. Ge7i. Woodford. 
Col. Heth." 

" Cropper. 
" Mason. 
" Febiger. 

3. Ge7i. Muhlenherg. 
Col. Parker. 

" Daviess. 

" George Gibson. 

" Smith. 



united. 



4. Gai. Scott. 
Col. Wood. 

" Greene, 

" Gibson, 

" Hall, (Delaware.) 

" Grayson. 

5. Ge?i. Glover. 
Col. Sheppard. 

" Wrigglesworth. 
" Bigelow. 
" Vose. 



APFENUIX. 



359 



6. Gen. Patterson. 
Col. Brewer. 

" Marshall. 
" Bradford. 
" Tupper. 

7. Late Learned. 
Col. Bailey. 

" Jackson. 
" Wesson. 
" Mead, (Militia.) 

8. Gen. Poor. 
Col. Cilley. 

" Hall. 

" Scammcl. 

" Hazen. 

9. Geii. Small-wood. 
Col. Stone. 

" Gist. 

" Richardson. 

" Gunby. 

10. Second ISlartjland. 
Col. Price. 

" Hall. 
" Williams. 
German Battalion. 

11. General Varnum. 
Col. Angell. 

" Sherburne. 
" S. B. Webb. 
" J. Livingston. 



12. Gen. Nixon. 
Col. Greaton. 

" Nixon. 

" Putnam. 

" Wood, (Militia.) 

13. Gen. Wayne. 
Col. Chambers. 

" Stewart. 
" Irvine. 
" Ilumpton. 

14. Secotid Peniistjlvania. 
Col. Craige. 

" Johnson. 
" Magaw. 
" R. Butler. 

15. Gen. Clinton. 
Col. Van Schaick. 

" Courtlandt. 
" Livingston. 
" Dubois. 

If). Ge7t. Parso7is. 
Col. Meiggs. 

" Wyllys. 

" Durkee. 

" Chandler. 
17. Gen. Hunlinglon. 
Col. Prentice. 

" C. Webb. 

" Bradley. 

" Swift. 



No. 7. 

Williamsburg, Sept. 6th, 1778. 
Dear Sir, — 

I received your favour last night by Mr. Brown. I 
am pleased at tliis instance of your confidence and 



3G0 APPENDIX. 

friendship, on which I place a higli value. The matter 
you represent reaches my feelings in the most affecting 
manner. You have served us on the most distressing 
terms hitherto, and it is not in the power of any country 
fully to compensate for the jjuinful duty to which you 
have been exposed. But 1 trust tlie principles of com- 
mon justice will so far prevail with our Assembly as to 
give a preference to our olficcrs and soldiers in the 
western lands, if they do nothing in a pecuniary way. 
God forbid that the defenders and saviours of America 
should want any of the good things she possesses. You 
may rest assured I shall exert myself to secure you 
some good land. I will represent the whole case to the 
next Assembly, which meets in four weeks. I will en- 
force it as far as decency will permit, and the result you 
shall know from me. I shall endeavour to show the 
great hardships upon the gentlemen of the army, if any 
land is granted until they have their choice, and if that 
avails not, I will secure some small share at least for 
you. Perhaps it may be proper to hint to your brother 
oflicers the substance of this. I mean no more than 
that their desires or any propositions they wish to make 
shall be zealously su[)ported with my best endeavours. 
But I leave you to act as you please about it. 

If the Assembly will open a land office (which I think 
they ought to do, and sell the land to sink our paper 
money), a reservation of u tract of country about the 
Falls of Ohio might be made to answer the purpose I 
wish for the officex's and soldiers. However, if after all 
nothing can be done for you as an officer, I will secure 
some for you as a private man, if the office opens. In 



APPENDIX. 361 

this I shall count myself happy if I can serve one for 
whose chai'acter both in private and public I have the 
most sincere esteem. 

Let me take the liberty just to hint, that I think a 
resignation now might defeat a claim which olhcrwisc I 
trust will be approved by every one. I shall be much 
obliged to you for your continued correspondence, which 
will be highly acceptable to me. Adieu, my dear sir, 
may God preserve you. I am with the highest regard, 
dear sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

P. Henry. 
N. B. Excuse inaccuracy, as I am much hurried. 
To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg-, 

At Head-quarters. 

No. 8. 

Head-quarters, Fredericksburg, Nov. 2d, 1778. 
Dear Sir, — 

The departure of General Gates makes it expedient to 
send forward another officer to his command. For this 
purpose I have ordered General Putnam to Hartford. 
The General will communicate to you such of his in- 
structions as respect the division, or any other informa- 
tion which may be necessary for your government. 
I am, dear sir. 

Your most humble servant, 

G, Washington. 
To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg, 

Highlands. 
31 



362 APPENDIX. 



No. 9. 



Ellzabetlitown, Dec. 4tli, 1778, 10 o'clock, v. m. 
Dear Sir, — 

I request that you will halt the Virginia troops wherc- 
evcr this finds you, if the ground and wood will admit of 
it ; if it will not, I had rather you would countermarch 
them to the first convenient situation. You will collect 
the troops and hold them in compact order, taking care 
to have them well supplied with provision and ammuni- 
tion, and ready to move on the earliest oi'der. You will 
continue all the heavy baggage on its march, and only 
retain a\ hat will be barely necessary for the men, and 
which they can carry. I don't mean that the artillery 
or ammunition wagons should be separated from the 
brigades. 

I am, dear sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. AVashington. 

To Briir. Gen, iMuhlcnberg. 

P. S. I have just received authentic intelligence that 
the enemy have several ships moving up the North 
River with troops and flat-bottomed boats. 



No. 10. 

Paramus, Dec. Gtli, 1778, 
Dear Sir, — 

You will be pleased upon receipt of this letter, immo- 



ArrENDix. 3t)3 

diately to put the troops under your command in motion, 
with tlicir field artillery and ammunition, for SutFerns, at 
the mouth of Smith's Clove, and there wait further orders. 

You will divest yourself of your baggage, which is to 
be ordered on to the place appointed for winter quarters. 
You may bring a few tents in some of the strongest 
wagons, to serve in case of very bad weather for the 
security of the arms, but you are not to encumber your- 
self with many, but to travel as light in every respect as 
possible. 

I imagine you will find the route by the great falls to 
be the best ; however, you will make the necessary 
inquiry of those who know the country. 

I am, sir, &c., 

G. Washington. 

To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg. 

P. S. March only such men as are fit for service ; let 
the invalids proceed with the baggage : you will also de- 
spatch an express to Middlebrook, for the commissary- 
general and foraCTe-master-weneral to come on to Sufferns. 



No. 11. 

Hcad-quarfers, February 17tli, 1779. 
SlE,— 

Enclosed is a copy of the Virginia arrangement, as 
transmitted to me by the Board of War, for a final re- 
visal before the commissions are issued. I therefore 
desire vou to assemble the field ofticcrs of the Virginia 



364 APPENDIX. 

line, and with them inspect the arrangement carefully) 
that if there should be any mistakes or misdates, they 
may be reported to me, that I may endeavour to have 
them adjusted, and the lists returned complete to the 
Board of War. Be pleased to mark those who have 
resigned with the dates of resignation. There are a few 
dates not yet filled up, which you will ascertain, if pos- 
sible. Be pleased to acquaint the officers of your whole 
line that, after the commissions are issued, there will be 
no future appeal, and therefore desire them, if they have 
any objections or claims, to make or bring them in now. 

Be pleased to direct returns to be made to me rcgi- 
mcntally, of the officers absent on command or furlough, 
specifying the time when their furloughs will expire, and 
the counties in which they may most probably be found. 

Governor Henry Avrites me that a number of officers 
will be wanted to collect and march the recruits from 
Virginia, and therefore some of those now absent may 
be ordered to remain for that purpose. 

I am, &c., 

G. Washixgtox. 
To Brig^. Gen. Mulilenberg. 



No. 13. 

Fort Montgomcr}', July loth, ]77n. 
Sir,— 

This day General VVayiic marched down towards 
Stony Point, to take a view ol' the enemy, and if an op- 
portunity offered, lu attempt something serious. 



ArrENDix. 365 

I (herefove wish you to put your brigade in motion 
about midnight, and march that way, in order to act as 
his situation may make it necessary. You will make 
your movements as secret as possible, and march per- 
fectly light, taking such of your guards as may be in 
your route with you. One day's provision will be neces- 
sary for the men to have with them ; and the rest that 
may be at the post, you will have in readiness to follow, 
should circumstances require it. 

You shall hear from me when to return, unless the 
enterprise should prove unsuccessful, in which case you 
will return to your present post. 

I am, sir, yours, &c., 

G. Washington. 

To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg. 

No. 13. 

Ilcad-quartcrs, August 28th, 1779. 
GeNTLE3IEN, 

I have received your favour of the l^6th, with the 
papers accompanying il. I assure you the manner in 
which the Virginia division have taken up the affair, 
gives me the most sensible concern. 

I had no idea that the command given to Major Lee 
could have been considered by them as a violation of their 
rights ; nor can I, after the most deliberate reflection, 
find any reason to alter the opinion I first entertained, 
which was that Major Lee, on principles of justice, pru- 
dence, and the strictest military propriety, was entitled 
31* 



306 APPENDIX. 

to the cominund, I have discussed the point fully in a 
letter to Major-General Lord Sterling, which I have re- 
quested him to communicate to the gentlemen interested. 
You will perceive that, while these are my sentiments, 
I can give no assurances which will operate against the 
principle of employing officers in Major Lee's circum- 
stances in a similar manner. So far as a senior officer 
fell under his command, the affair was unfortunate ; but 
this was evidently a mistake in the first instance, and 
if the gentlemen have any apprehension that this may 
be drawn into precedent, (which I can hardly suppose,) 
I do not scruple to give them the most positive assurances 
to the contrary, for I deem it an invariable principle that 
no inferior or junior officer can command a superior or 
senior. 

I flatter myself, gentlemen, you will dispassionately 
weigh the reasonings I have offered, and, convinced that 
they are well founded, will use your influence to appease 
the discontents which have arisen, and satisfy the officers 
ill general that no injury has been cither intended or 
done to their privileges. 

I am, with the greatest esteem and regard, gentlemen, 
Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 

To Brig. Gens. Woodford 

and Muhlenberg. 

No. 14. 

Fredericksburg, July 4th, 1780. 
Sir, — 

I was yesterday honoured with a letter from his Excel- 



ArrENDix. 367 

lency the Governor, wherein he desires me to transmit 
your Excellency a return of the officers of the Virginia 
line at present in the state. I now do myself the honour 
to enclose a return of all the officers I could get intelli- 
gence of, with their rank and date of commission. 

General Gates this morning left town for Richmond, 
and has ordered all the officers to meet at this place on 
the 15th of this month. 

The plan I did myself the honour to mention to your 
Excellency in my last, proposed by a committee of the 
Assembly, to fill up the Continental battalions, is not yet 
finally determined on, but I have no doubt it will go 
through. 

A British fleet is at present in our bay, but we have 
not yet been able to ascertain their strength or des- 
tination. 

I have the honour to be, with great respect, 

Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
His Excellency Gen. Washington, 

New Jersey. 



No. 15. 

Hillsborough, 21st July, 1780. 
Sir,— 

The declining state of the regular force in this depart- 
ment, has induced me to hasten the march of the Scattered 
remains of your line. 

I hope much from the industry of the officers appointed 
to collect them, and can foresee but few obstacles in their 



368 APPENDIX. 

immediate preparation for coming forward. In the article 
of clothing, hunting-shirts, over-alls, and shoes, will be 
sufficient. There's little else wanted in this climate, and 
all woollen clothes I should consider as incumbrances. 

To Buford's, Gibson's, and Brent's regiments, you will 
attach such soldiers as may belong to the several corps 
taken in Charleston, and placing the whole, (which I 
suppose will not exceed one full regiment,) under the 
eldest officers in each rank, order them to proceed imme- 
diately to the head-quarters of the Southern department. 

I am, sir. 
Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Horatio Gates. 
To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg. 



Ho. 16. 

Fredericksburg, August Isl, 1780. 
Sir,— 

By this day's post I was honoured wiih your Excel- 
lency's letter of the 18th of July, and likewise with 
another directed to Major-General Gates, enclosing the 
arrangement of the Virginia line. As General Gates 
has left this state and joined the Southern army, I took 
the liberty to open the letter, agreeably to the directions 
on the outside, and after taking a copy of the ari'ange- 
ment, forwarded it on. 

The House of Assembly, after long debates, at last 
came to a resolution to raise 3,000 men for eighteen 
months. The bill was not printed a kw days ago, but 



APPENDIX. 369 

I expect it this evening by an express I sent for that 
purpose. The officers, by order of General Gates, as- 
sembled at this place on the 14th of last month, in order 
to assist in collecting the new levies; but after consulting 
with the Governor and Council at Richmond, he wrote 
me that nothing could be done until the Governor re- 
ceived an answer to his letter from your Excellency. 
As this obstacle is now removed, I hope nothing else will 
retard the collection of the new levies. * * * 

Inclosed I do myself the honour to transmit your Ex- 
cellency an exact return of the officers now in the state. 
By the last accounts we have from the southward, the 
enemy are falling back to Charlestown. I would like- 
wise beg leave to inform your Excellency, that a great 
number of our privates taken at Charlestown have made 
their escape from the enemy (not less I am informed 
than two hundred). These men, though most of them 
soldiers for the war, are permitted to return to their 
homes, and look upon themselves as free from the ser- 
vice ; some of them have been detained at this post, until 
I shall receive your Excellency's orders what is to be 
done with them. 

The prisoners taken by the enemy in the action with 
Col. Buford, have nearly all returned with paroles, signed 
by Colonel Tarleton. 

1 have the honour to be, with great respect, 

Your Excellency's most obedient 

Humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
His Excellency General Washington, 

New Jersey. 



370 APPLINDIX. 



No. 17. 

Hct-id-quartcrs, Orangetown, 15th August, 1730. 
SlK, — 

I have received your favour of the 1st instant, enclos- 
ing a more exact return of the officers remaining in Vir- 
ginia than had been before transmitted. Such of them 
as were not noticed in the arrangement transmitted on 
the 8th of July may be now introduced, upon the same 
principles which govern in making that arrangement. 

His Excellency Governor Jefferson, in a letter of the 
22d of July, has mentioned the circumstance of the two 
state regiments which have complete corps of officers, but 
very few men ; and has proposed that, as they are also to 
go to the southward, they shall have a proportion of the 
three thousand recruits. To this, as I could see no rea- 
sonable objection, I have assented. 

I am glad to hear that so great a number of our pri- 
soners have escaped from Charlestown, but it will be no 
advantage to the public, more than saving the exchange 
of so many, if the plea of their being freed from their 
former engagements is allowed. There can be no possi- 
ble foundation for any such claim, and I beg you will 
take the most elTectual measures for informing them that 
they will, if apprehended, be treated as deserters, if they 
do not return in some given time, 

I have by this conveyance forwarded a proclamation 
to the Governor, offering a pardon to deserters who will 
come in by a limited time, and taking in the case of those 



APPENDIX. 371 

who have made their escape iVoni the enemy and gone 
liome. 

1 am, &c., 

G. Washington. 
To Brig, (jcncral Mulilonbcrg;, 

111 Virjrinia. 



No. 18. 

Riclimond, August IDtli, 17S0. 
Dear General, — 

Immediately aller the receipt of your letter, dated .Tidy 
21st, which came to my hands the 3d of August, I re- 
moved to this place, in order to execute your orders re- 
lative to the old soldiers assembled at Chesterfield ; but 
notwithstanding our utmost exertions, we have not been 
able to procure blankets and knapsacks for them. There 
is now a certain prospect of their being supplied imme- 
diately, and I expect them to march on the 25th. Colo- 
nel Bufort will command about three liundrcd old sol- 
diers, besides eighty belonging to Gibson's regiment, 
which is the whole of that regiment at present fit for 
duty. 

The new levies begin to assemble, but the prospect 
for their equipment is very dull. No stores have arrived 
froni the North, nor can I hear of any, except the arms 
and ammunition I had the honour to mention in my last. 
I have prevailed on Colonel Febiger to take a journey to 



372 APPENDIX. 

Philadelphia, to hasten on the supplies, for without them 
the collection of the new troops would be useless. 
I have the honour to be, 

With great respect, dear General, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Major-Gencral Gates. 



No. 19, 

Petersburg, August 27tli, 1780. 
Dear General, — 

Colonel Bufort marches to-day with the detachment 
from this place; the whole will amount only to three 
hundred men. Another detachment will march in six 
or seven days, under the command of Colonel Webb. 
I beg leave to represent to you, sir, that in Colonel 
Bufort's detachment there are sixty men belonging to 
Colonel Gibson's regiment, one of the state regiments. 
They are officered by officers of the same regiment, and 
Major Lee is of the same. These officers are at present 
in a peculiar situation with regard to their rank. The 
regiments have been otfered by the state to Congress, 
who have agreed to receive them in the Continental esta- 
blishment, if the regiments are filled up, or as far as the 
men are proportioned to the officers. Now, as these 
gentlemen are ordered on, it would be a hardship if they 
should not be permitted to rank agreeably to their com- 
missions, especially as they have now been three years 
in active service. I have promised them to represent 



APPENDIX. 373 

the niatler to you ; and liavr flio honoiu' fo bo, with 
great respecl, dear Genera!, 

Your obedient humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 

To Mujor-CJeneiul (inlrs. 



No. 20. 

Fiillshoro', Sept. i2(l, 17811. 

Genl. Muhlenberg, — 

Your favours of the 19th and 29th ult. I received yes- 
terday. I enlh'ely approve of the measure you have 
taken in sending Colonel Febiger to Philadelphia. I 
hope his success in procuring necessaries for the new 
levies v/ill supply the wants of them, and that no time 
will be lost in forwarding them to Virginia. The two 
thousand stand of arms which you wish to retain, I de- 
sire may be retained, to arm the new levies, and I request 
the remainder may be forwarded on to this place with all 
possible despatch, and also all other necessary stores 
which may be ready in Virginia. 

I shall be glad to be informed v/hether a quantity of 
shoes can l^e procured in Virginia ; they are much 
wanted for the Maryland line, all the men of which are 
quite barefoot, and sorely cut in the feet. There will be 
of these between si.\ and seven hundred to be equipped, 
with some wanting arms and accoutrements, cind all of 
them wanting clothes. I am in expectation of procuring 
some clothing in this state, but whether I shall obtain a 
sufficiencv or not, T cannot tell. \n full confidence of 
.S2 



374 APPENDIX. 

your best exertions in the business you liavc on hand, I 
remain, with sentiments of pci'fect esteem and regard, 
deal" General, 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

Horatio Gates. 
To B. General Muhlenberg. 

No. 21. 

Richmond, September 29th, 1780. 
SiK,— 

Lieutenant-Colonel Richard Campbell, who has been 
two campaigns with the 9th regiment at Fort Pitt, re- 
quests me to make application to your Excellency for 
permission to exchange with Lieutenant-Colonel Richard 
Taylor, who is at present arranged to the 11th regiment, 
but wishes to exchange it for the 9th. As your Excel- 
lency is perfectly acquainted with the character of both 
the gentlemen, I will only beg leave to say that by the 
exchange the different genius of both would be suited, 
and the service benefited. 

The new levies of the lower counties are nearly col- 
lected, and are forming into battalions, but we are as yet 
totally destitute of every article necessary to equip them 
for the field. The levies from the upper counties are, 
by order of the Governor and Council, to march by the 
nearest road to Hillsborough. There are about three 
liundred men still remaining, who were formerly 
draughted for twelve months, but never called into 
service. As these have not been arranged by your 
Excellency, the Governor wishes they may be allotted 



APPENDIX. ' 375 

to Colonel Harrison's regiment of artillery, and orders 
have been accordingly sent to the ofliccrs appointed to 
collect them to march them to Chesterfield Court-house 
for that purpose. 

I have the honour to be, with great I'cspect, 
Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
His Excellency General Washington. 



No. 22. 

Ricliinond, Oct. 5, 1780. 
Dear General, — 

I was this morning honoured with your favour of the 
10th, by express. By Major Polk, who left this place 
four days ago, I did myself the honour to represent our 
present situation to you, relative to clothing and military 
stores. Nothing is yet arrived from the northward, 
though Colonel Febiger informs me that he has procured 
shoes, some blankets and good tents, but had not been 
able at that time to get clothing and arms. 

The eighteen months' men collected at Winchester, 
Staunton, Pittsylvania, and Brunswick, were by an ex- 
press order of the Governor and Council, contrary to my 
advice, ordered to march to Plillsborough by the nearest 
route. I sent on yesterday, for their use, 292 muskets 
and bayonets, 559 cartridge boxes, 4 boxes of flints, and 
299 pairs of shoes. They are intended to form the sixth 
regiment, and will be joined by their field oflicers in a 
few days; and whatever necessaries I can procure, shall 



tiU't AITKNDJ.X. 

be Ibruarded on immcdiatcl)'. The second regiment will 
march from Chesterfield on Tuesday next, badly pro- 
vided, but I am afraid better tlian wo shall be able to 
furnish the next. 

T have the hniioiir to be, dear General, 
Your most obedient, humble servant, 

P. MUUIKINBERG. 

To Miijor-Cicucial C«';itcs. 



No. 23. 

Richmoiicl, Ocl. l-2lli, 1780. 
Dear Genkkal, — 

Tv.'o days ago, I was honoured with your lavour of 
the 24th of September, in answer to which I now do 
myself the honour to inform you that I have about 1000 
men collected at Chesterfield Court-house ; but notwith- 
standing our exertions, we have not been able to procure 
such articles as are essentially necessaiy for the troops 
on their march. Blankets are totally out of the question, 
but we have procured materials for one hundred tents, 
and all the workmen we could collect are employed in 
makins: them. I have ordered the second regiment to 
hold themselves in readiness to march on Monday next ; 
and the seventh will be ready to follow in a few days. 
I should have sent on the troops before this, but cannot 
think they will be able to render any real service in their 
]n-csent naked condition. If they are to go on without 
waiting for the most necessary articles, I shall be happy 
to rrrcivp your orders for that purpose. 



ArrENDix. 377 

The new levies from Winchester, Staunton, Pittsyl- 
vania, and Brunswick, who are to compose the sixth 
regiment, are by an express order of the Governor and 
Council, to march by the nearest route to Hillsborough. 
I am now pressing wagons, to send on arms and shoes 
for them, before the regiment arrives at Hillsborough. 
I have the honour to be. 
With great respect, dear General, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To General Gates. 



No. 24. 

Head-quarters, near Passaic Falls, 
17th October, 1780. 
SiK, — 

I have received your favour of the 29th ultimo. The 
proposed exchange of stations between Colonels Campbell 
and Taylor, will be perfectly agreeable to me. 

While I hear with pleasure of the forwardness of the 
collection of the levies, I cannot but regret the small 
prospect we have of procuring an adequate supply of 
arms, clothing, and other necessaries. We have been 
hitherto disappointed in the arrival of those articles ex- 
pected from France ; and even should they arrive after 
this, it will be very long before they can be got to you, 
from the difficulties which we experience in transporta- 
32* 



•{?S AFPENDIX. 

tion, and more especially should they come to the east- 
ward, which is the most probable. 

His Excellency the Governor informed me that three 
hundred of the old drafts had been ordered to join Har- 
rison's regiment of artillery, which was a very proper 
measure. 

1 am, &c., 

G. WASHI^•GTo^". 
To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg, 
in Virginia. 



No. 25. 

Baker's House, Nov. 19tli, 1780. 
Deak Genkral, — 

Last evening I had the pleasure to hear of your sale 
arrival in Virginia, and flatter myself that, if the enemy 
continue much longer with us, you will honour the troops 
in this quarter with a visit. From present appearances, 
1 am inclined to think that the enemy are preparing to 
seek their fortune elsewhere. Several signal guns were 
fired last evening, from which I conjecture they have 
made a move ; but as the morning is hazy, I have not 
been able to ascertain the matter. 

I am totally at a loss to account for their leaving 
Portsmouth with so much precipitation. They luive not 
only left the greater part of the negroes they had taken, 
but also several valuable new vessels. Should they go 
out of the bay, I shall do myself the honour to give you 



AFPENDIX. 379 

immediate notice. I understand Baron Steuben is with 
you ; will you please present my compliments to him? 
I am, dear General, with great respect, 

Your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Major-General Greene. 

P. S. Colonel , who will have the honour to 

present you this, will give you a circumstantial account 
of my situation. 



No. 26. 

Surry Court-house, Nov. 26th, 1780. 
Dear General, — 

I had the honour to receive your favour of the 23d 
yesterday, on our march from Nelson's to this place. 
The troops will march again this morning for Cabin 
Point, where I shall wait your further orders. The 
enemy have entirely left our bay, and are gone to sea ; 
report says they are gone to New York, but I think it 
more probable they are gone to Cape Fear. 

You were pleased to mention that, " if the enemy 
should retire, the troops must remain below." I am at 
a loss to know whether you intended the militia should 
remain likewise. If the last was intended, I really can 
see no method to supply them with provisions ; for since 
the invasion, we have been obliged to collect what pro- 
visions were necessary, and live fi'om hand to mouth. 
All the beeves within twenty miles of Cabin Point will 
not feed 3,000 men for three days. 



380 



ArrENDix. 



If the regulars with me are to march to the southward 
immediately, I would beg leave to mention that they 
have been, and still are without tents, and are justly en- 
titled to an equal proportion with Colonel Lawson's corps. 
Besides, there are 500 men sent on to Hillsborough, who 
have not a single tent, and are obliged to do daily duty. 
I have requested General Weedon to wait on you imme- 
diately at Richmond, and shall do myself the pleasure to 
attend you, the moment I can get three days' provisions 
beforehand. The returns shall be made out as soon as 
we halt to-day. Major Jones, who waits on you with 
this letter, can state our present situation. 
I have the honour to be, 
With great respect, dear General, 

Your most obedient servant, 

P. MuHLEJfBERG. 

To Major-Gcncral tlie Uaron dc Steuben. 



No. 27. 

Williamsburg, 2d Jan., 1781. 
General Muhlenberg, — 

As the enemy may yet attempt something against 
Fredericksburg, especially when they have drawn all 
our force this way, I would have all the militia of the 
counties adjacent to that place left at home, that in case 
anything of that kind should happen, they may be at 
hand to make the necessary opposition. 

I have also directed General Weedon to remain there 



AITENDIX. 'SSI 

ibr the same purpose. With the rest of the militia, you 
will proceed on to this place as speedily as possible. 
I am, dear General, &c., 

Steuben. 
To t'cncral Mulilcnlicrg. 



No. 28. 

Cabin Point, January 31s(, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

Last evening I received an express from General 
Lawson, with a return of the troops under his com- 
mand, by which it appears that the number of his eficc- 
tives is G54 — the total 830 ; but I am apt to think the 
troops at Suffolk are not included, as nothing is men- 
tioned of Major Willis, who commands the light infantry. 
The riflemen will get to General Lawson's camp to-day. 
The enemy keep no advanced post from Portsmouth, 
except a picket at Veule's, which is in sight of the town. 
It is reported that the enemy last week made an attempt 
on the northwest bridge, occupied by General Gregory, 
and were repulsed. T have not received a return of 
Colonel Parker's strength ; General Lawson rates them 
at 500. 

General Lawson complains heavily of the wretched 
situation of the sick in his camp, who are without medi- 
cine, physicians, and necessaries. We are here in the 
same situation, and no other alternative is left us than to 
disperse the sick iti the neighbouring houses. General 
Lawson wnuld have creeled huts to shelirr his men, but 



382 APPENDIX. 

finds it impossible, for want of axes. I have written 
pressingly to Petersburg for a supply, but am afraid it 
will prove but a scanty one. 

Captain Pendleton has been supplied with wagons, 
agreeably to your directions. We have likewise two 
smith-shops, where some of our men are at work in re- 
pairing and cleaning the arms, in order to render them 
fit for service. Four of Colonel Armand's cavalry were 
this morning ordered to Sandy Point and Hudson's Or- 
dinary, agreeably to your orders. 

I have the honour to be. 

With great respect, dear General, 
Your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Major-General the Baron de Steuben. 



No. 29. 

McKie's Mill, February 9th, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

I arrived in camp to-day, at eleven o'clock ; at twelve 
the feu-de-joie was fired agreeably to your orders. This 
evening several expresses came in from the outposts ; 
evei-y account agrees that fifteen of the enemy's vessels 
went out of Elizabeth River yesterday, and none this 
morning ; but what course they liave steered we cannot 
tell. An express from I\Ir. Constable informs me that 
the enemy have sent four hundred men from Portsmouth, 
who have taken pest in the edge of the Dismal, on 
the road leading from Sufiblk to Portsmouth. I cannot 



APPENDIX. 383 

conceive what their intentions arc, unless the march of 
the troops (Vom Cabin Point to this place has alarmed 
them, and caused them to think we meditated an attack 
on Portsmouth. Accounts likewise came in that the 
enemy have destroyed all the works at the Great 
Bridge, and abandoned that post. As they have called 
in all their outposts, I am apt to believe Arnold is plan- 
ning some scheme to act on the oflcnsive. I shall to- 
morrow view the ground at Scott's, and make every 
preparation to receive Arnold, should he incline to 
attack us. Should they make any serious movement, I 
shall immediately transmit you an account. 
1 am, dear General, 
With great respect. 

Your most obedient servant, 

P. MUHLENBEKG. 
To j\Iajor-Gencral Baron Steuben. 



No. 30. 

Chesterfield C. II., ISlli February, 1781. 
Dkar General, — 

The arrival of the French vessels below has occa- 
sioned some little alteration in our plans. General 
Nelson being gone on board, will oblige you to remain 
some time longer at your present station. 

The field officers of the line of Virginia arc making 
out the arrangement. When it is completed it shall be 
submitted to the inspection of the officers ; if all are satis- 
fied, it can be finally decided on ; if any objections arise, 



384 APPENDIX. 

I ialcnd yourself, General VVecdoii, with one or two of 
the eldest colonels, shall examine and decide on them. 

I enclose you the Governor's answer to the proposi- 
tion for exchanging Colonel EUigood. 

The enclosed letter to Colonel Simcoe you will send 
in with the prisoners who go down to-day. You will 
have the aflair of Curlcy inquired into; if it is deter- 
mined he is a deserter from us, he must certainly ho 
kept — if not, send him in. 

Our late intelligence from the southward is unfavoura- 
ble. The last accounts arc that Lord Cornwallis was on 
the Roanoke on the lltli inst. This is only report. Ge- 
neral Greene's last Idler, ol'thc 10th, was iVom Guilford 
Court-house; Cornwallis had then crossed the Shallow 
Ford. The militia of the frontier are ordered out. 

I have sent General Weedon to Fredericksburg to 
form two regiments of militia, for the protection oi" a 
battery I have ordered on York River, to cover the 
French vessels in case of need. 

I am, dear General, 

Your very obedient servant, 

SxErBKX. 

(ictu-ral Mulilenbcrg. 

No. 31, 

Two miles below Hall's, Norfolk Coiinly, 
Saiulay. February 18tii, 1781. 

Deau Gkaeual, — 

On the 13th, I was informed of the arrival of tlie 
French fleet in Hampton Roads, by express from Colonel 
Dabncv. As I knew iho British armv in Portsmouth 



APPENDIX. 



385 



was already in want of forage as well as provisions, it 
was the opinion of the officers with me, as well as my 
own, that we ought to increase their wants, by drawing 
our own forage from places in the vicinity of their camp. 
To accomplish this, I left as many troops as I thought 
necessary for the security of my camp, and marched 
with Colonel Bowycr's and Colonel Ralb's battalions of 
riflemen, and Colonel Meriwether's battalion of infantry, 
and joined Colonel Matthews' riflemen with Colonel Par- 
ker's infantry. We marched in the evening, and en- 
camped on the ground we at present occupy. At one 
o'clock this morning Colonel Matthews was ordered to 
march towards Portsmouth, with his regiment. Colonel 
Dick's corps of light infantry, and Colonel Armand's 
and Major Nelson's cavalry. Colonel Matthews formed 
an ambuscade near the town, and sent the cavalry to 
surprise the picket, which was within sight of the works. 
The picket, consisting of a sergeant, corporal, and twelve 
men, were taken, without firing a shot, and are now on 
their way to Richmond. A wagon and eight horses 
were likewise brought oft'. We have waited for Mr, 
Arnold, within one mile and a half of the town, for three 
hours, but as he shows no inclination to turn out, we 
shall this evening return to Colonel Matthews' camp. 
Major Mitchell will send in the returns immediately. 
As this is the only piece of paper I have, I hope the 
blots will be excused. 

I have the honour to be. 

With the greatest respect, dear General, 
Your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
Major-Gcncral Baron Steuben. 
33 



38G APPENDIX. 



No. 32. 



Camp, X. W. R. Bridge, Feb. 23d, 1781. 
Dear Gknekal, — 

This morning your favour of tlie 2Uth inst. was deli- 
vered. Some days ago I had been informed of your 
taking off a picket, and braving the enemy in their 
trenches at Portsmouth. On tliat day, we are told, the 
enemy had hardly three hundred men in town. Colonel 
Simcoe was out in force, in quest of Captain Weeks, in 
Princess Anne County. Yesterday the Captain, with a 
few of his men, came into our camp. 

I am now provided with a sufficient quantity of round 
and double-headed grape-shot for our guns, which, how- 
ever, are not so heavy as I could wish for battering. 
The troops are in good health and spirits, and show the 
most ardent desire of coming within close quarters of the 
enemy. At whatever hour you may desire, I can invest 
the enemy's fort at Great Bridge. I presume the enemy 
wish for delay, in hopes that some incident may turn up 
in their favour. 

It has been alleged that provisions are brought from 
Virginia into North Carolina. I have employed proper 
persons to attend to that matter, and shall put an effec- 
tual stop to any such commerce. I wish you had some 
bountiful supply of provisions, but wc do not complain of 
any want, though seldom have much laid up. 



APrExNDix. .'587 

However, we have a plentiful country in our rear, from 
which we can draw a sufficient supply on this service. 
I have the honour to be 

Your most obedient humble servant, 

Isaac Gregory, B. G. 
The Honourable Brigadier-General Muhlenberg-. 



No. 33. 

Head-quarters, Portsmouth, February 23d, 1781. 
Sir,— 

Having been out of town for two days past, yours of 
the 20th was not delivered me until last night. Corporal 
Veitch and the two men of Colonel Simcoe's regiment 
were received in my absence. It is impossible for me 
to exchange those men for the three gentlemen you 
mention, having in my letter of the 12th inst, to Brigadier- 
General Lawson proposed to exchange Colonel Warnick, 
taken at Waltham, and two of the gentlemen you mention, 
for Lieutenant-Colonel Elligood, and the two soldiers of 
Colonel Simcoe's regiment, which letter, you inform me 
in yours of the 13th, had been sent to Baron Steuben 
for his answer ; until that is received, I do not think 
myself at liberty to exchange them. If my proposal is 
not agreeable to him, the three prisoners sent in shall 
be returned to you, unless you choose to exchange them 
for some others included in the list of prisonei's which I 
now enclose. In return, I have to request that a list of 
your prisoners may be sent to me. 

To prevent unnecessary applications for negroes in 



388 APPENDIX. 

future, I beg leave to observe that none will be returned 
to persons in arms or office, in which class I consider 
all persons in the militia liable to be called forth to 
arms. When widows, orphans, or persons not under 
the above description, wish to have their negroes re- 
turned, it will be necessary for them to have their 
property ascertained, (as mentioned above,) under oath, 
which authenticated certificate being sent in by any 
person with a flag who can fix upon the negroes 
claimed, they shall be immediately delivered up. 
I have the honour to be, sir. 
Your most obedient, humble servant, 

B. Arnold, Brig. Gen. 
Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg. 



No. 34. 

Camp near Suffolk, February 24lli, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

I should have done myself the honour to write you a 
line long before this time, but I have been unable to 
procure a safe conveyance. As, however, I understand 
you are at this time on the borders of Virginia, I think 
it my duty to give you a little sketch of our proceedings 
in this quarter. On the 1 3th, I received intelligence of 
the arrival of a French fleet in our bay, consisting of 
one sixty-four and two frigates of thirty-six each. As 
it was conjectured their stay would be short, it was 
thought necessary to press the enemy as much as pos- 
sible, and to prevent their foraging in the lower counties. 



ArrENDix. 389 

To prevent tliis, I marched on the 17th with six hundred 
riflemen and five hundred musketry, with which we 
formed an ambuscade about one mile and a half from 
Portsmouth, and on tlie morning of the 18th, a party of 
horse was ordered to cliargo the picket, whicli was 
posted within shot of their redoubts. The Iiorsc charged 
and took the picket, consisting of a sergeant, corporal, 
and twelve men, without having a shot fired at them ; 
two yagers were killed, thi'ee pioneers, one wagon, and 
six horses taken. We remained in ambush for three 
hours, but finding Arnold did not choose to venture 
out, and not caring to risk an action in the night with 
my riflemen, I moved back to a place of security, 
where I I'emained until the 20th, when, having received 
intelligence that you were hard pushed by Cornwallis, 
I took possession of a strong camp in the rear of Suffolk, 
where I intended to leave nine hundred militia men, and 
selected six hundred riflemen and four hundred musketry 
to mai'ch to your assistance if necessary. Should it be 
found unnecessary, I shall move down upon the lines 
again immediately. 

Enclosed I do myself the honour to transmit you a 
pretty exact account of the enemy's force in this state. 
I must acknowledge it is derogatory to the honour of 
the state, to suffer such a handful of men to retain 
possession so long ; but what, my dear General, is to 
be done? They are strongly fortified; I have near 
two thousand men, but among the whole about three 
hundred bayonets and two brass six-pounders. With 
such a military apparatus, we cannot think of attacking 
the works by regular approaches, and all my hopes at 
33* 



390 APPENDIX. 

present arc, that I shall be able to coop up Arnold so 
close that he will be obliged to make an attempt to 
dislodge us. General Gregory, of the North Carolina 
militia, is now moving down on the east side of the 
Dismal Swamp, with about seven hundred men, in order 
to cut off Arnold's communication with Princess Anne 
County. Should anything meantime occur, I shall do 
myself the honour to give you immediate notice. 
I have the honour to be, with great respect. 
Dear General, your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Maj. Gen. Greene. 



No. 35. 

Camp near Scott's, Feb. XJG, 17S1. 
Dear General, — 

I am happy to hear from Mr, Ludoman that our pro- 
ceedings in this quarter hitherto, meet with your appro- 
bation. From General Greene's letter, the plan you 
were pleased to scud me, and the explanations given me 
by Mr. Ludeman, I understand the plan of your opera- 
tions fully. I am convinced it will be in vain for Mr. 
Arnold to' attempt a junction with Lord Cornwallis by 
land with his present Ibrce, as he will be obliged to dis- 
lodge General Gregory and myself before he can accom- 
plish it. The only way practicable, and which I believe 
lie has in view, would be to cross Currituck Sound and 
land in North Carolina ; what induces me to think they 
have some scheme of this kind in view is, that they are 



APPENDIX. 391 

busily employed in building flat-bottomed boats. We 
have taken three of their builders and destroyed some of 
their timber, but still they will have it in their power to 
procure a sufficiency of boats, either to cross the Sound, 
or for a plundering expedition, although I should hardly 
think they will venture the latter while we are close 
upon them. 

Enclosed, I do myself the honour to transmit you two 
letters from General Gregory, and one from Arnold. I 
have sent him the Governor's answer relative to the 
exchange proposed between Colonels EUigood and War- 
nick, which I suppose will end the negotiations for 
exchanging, I shall to-day or to-morrow move with the 
main body to a camp in the vicinity of Suffolk, in order 
to cut off effectually the communication by land between 
Portsmouth and North Carolina. 
I have the honour to be. 

With great respect. 

Dear General, 
Your most obedient servant, 

P. MuHLEXBEKG. 

To 3Iajor-Geiicral the 

Baron de Steuben. 



No. 3G. 

Chesterfield C. H., 28tli Feb. 
Dear General, — 

In consequence of letters just received from General 
Washington, the contents of which Colonel Meade will 
inform you, I am induced to order the battalions of Co- 



392 APPENDIX. 

lonel Bowyer, Majors Meriwether and Lucas, to be put 
under the command of Colonel Meade, who has received 
orders to join General Gregory. If either officers or 
privates should turn out volunteers, it would be preferred. 
Your despatch as to these troops and secrecy with respect 
to the intelligence, I can rely on. Colonel Meade's abili- 
ties, and his being perfectly acquainted with my designs, 
have induced me to ask his acceptance of the above com- 
mand. 

I am persuaded the officers of the battalions will en- 
deavour to make it agreeable to him, as I am sure 
nothing but his wishes for the good of the service would 
have prevailed on him to take so great a charge. 

Steuben. 

To General Muhlenberg. 

No. 37. 

Edmond's Ilill, two miles below the Great Bridge, 

March 2d, 1781, 8 o'clock, r. m. 
Dear General, — 

I got to this place, after passing the enemy's works 
about 6 o'clock, r. u., yesterday, and immediately sent 
the letters you entrusted to me, to General Gregory, with 
a message informing him where I was. In passing their 
redoubt I found it very strong, being stockaded at least 
nine feet high and filled in, making it more than as 
many feet through ; of course a very deep ditch, and it 
is very well surrounded with abatis capable of holding 
200 men : in it are four twelve-poundcarronades, besides 
smaller cannon. Whilst T was examining their works 



APPENDIX. 393 

they fired several cannon and many small arms, which 
did no damage except slightly wounding one man. 

About 2 o'clock to-day General Gregory joined iTie, 
whilst I was investing and examining their works. He 
agreed with me that a storm was too dangerous, and 
would be attended with no view of success. I discovered 
a gun-boat going down from the Fort, and detached Cap- 
tain Otey with thirty riflemen to stop her, which business 
he effectually and punctually executed, by taking and 
sinking the gun-boat, after killing one sailor, and cap- 
turing the remaining five, a corporal, a private of the 
30th regiment, and a private of the Rangers, He also took 
two twelve-pound carronades, several muskets, a good 
deal of officers' baggage, and all the papers of Captain 
Stevenson of the Rangers, who commanded at the Fort, 
and was relieved to-day. 

Among his papers were none of consequence, except 
two very extraordinary ones, copies of which I enclose 
you. Their contents embarrassed me amazingly, the 
more so as General Gregory had furnished the guards 
for the night. He was present when I examined the 
papers, and declares himself innocent of any correspon- 
dence. I hope he says true, but fearing accidents, have 
sent out guards of my own. I am much at a loss how 
to act if General Gregory is true. T cannot trust him 
by letting him know of my movements if not true. I 
cannot be sulTiciently on my guard, being surrounded by 
enemies. His men are not equipped, and on examination 
I find many of his men on guard without a cartridge 
box, and some without a single cartridge. 

I am extremely pleased with the behaviour of my 



31) 1 APPKN0IX. 

detachment, and am convinced if we come to action ihey 
will answer my expectations. Among Captain Steven- 
son's papers was a journal of their proceeding to Rich- 
mond and down. We shall lose all Princess Anne with- 
out some troops there; and Captain Weeks informs me 
that if I was there I would be joined by 300 men, and 
that the county could supply me, I should have risked 
this if it had not been for the extraordinary paper annex- 
ed ; but if you could lay close on their lines, and reinforce 
me with 200 men, we could directly cut off all their sup- 
plies, as they are getting provisions in abundance from 
Princess Anne. 

I am, dear General, with respect, 

Your most obedient servant, 

J. Parker, Col. Com. 
The Hon. Gen. Muhlenberg. 



(Copy, taken among Captain Stevenson's papers.) 

« G. G.,— 

" Your well-formed plan of delivering those people 
now under your command into the hands of the British 
General at Portsmouth gives me much pleasure. Your 
next I hope will mention the place of ambuscade, and 
the manner you wish to fall into my hands, &c. &c., 
and I am, 

" Dear Gregory, 

" Yours with esteem. 
" 1st March, 1781." 



APPENDIX. 395 



(Copy of second letter.) 

" General Gregory, — 

" A Mr. Ventress was last night made prisoner by 
three or four of your people. I only wish to inform you 
that Ventress could not help doing what he did in his 
helping to destroy the logs. I myself delivered the 
orders to him from Colonel Simcoe. I have the honour 
of your acqua — " and so breaks off. 



No. .38. 

Camp near Sufl'olk, March 4tli, 1781. 

Sunday morning, 10 o'clock, a.m. 
Dear General, — 

Last evening I returned from the enemy's lines at 
Portsmouth without being able to effect anything mate- 
rial. On the 28th, I marched from this place with 1200 
men ; when we got to the forks of the road below Hall's 
(about twelve miles from the Great Bridge), I detached 
Colonel Parker with 300 chosen men to make an attempt 
on the enemy's post at that place, as I had certain intel- 
ligence that the garrison consisted only of 120 men ; and 
with the main body I marched towards Portsmouth, 
drove in the pickets, and kept them alarmed, to prevent 
their sending any reinforcement to the Bridge. I left 
the lines at Portsmouth yesterday morning at 9 o'clock, 
and on my return met Colonel Meade at Hall's. I re- 
turned immediately to Suflblk,from whence I despatched 



396 APPENDIX. 

an express to General Gregory with your letter, and in- 
telligence that Colonel Meade would march from this 
place to-morrow morning to join him. Last evening I 
received the enclosed letter from Colonel Parker, who, I 
understand, is just arrived at the advanced post. From 
this letter you will see how far he has been able to exe- 
cute my orders : but I really do not know what to think 
of General Gregory; appearances are much against him, 
and I shall give Colonel Meade directions to keep on his 
guard and watch Gregory's motions. To-morrow I 
shall send on the returns you have ordered. 

I have tlie honour to be, with great respect, 
Dear General, your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Maj. Gcii. Baron Steuben. 

No. 39. 

Camp, near Suffolk, March 4tli, 1781. 
3 o'clock, r. M. 
Dear General, — 

I wrote to you this forenoon, by express, and enclosed 
you Colonel Parker's letter. Colonel Parker has since 
returned to camp, and from his report, as well as from 
other circumstances, I am full}- convinced that some trea- 
sonable practices have been carried on by General Gre- 
gory. [ am sorry these circumstances compel me to make 
some little alteration in your plan ; but am convinced, 
were you present, you would approve the alteration. 

Since the discovery of the letters sent \'ou tliis morn- 
ing, the officers ami men with General (iregorv are so 



APPENDIX. 397 

much dissatisfied, tliat I was afraid the whole would dis- 
perse, unless Gregory was removed. General Gregory 
pressed Colonel Parker to assume the command, and the 
whole of the officers joined in the request ; but as I had 
given him positive oi'ders to return by a given time, he 
could not stay with propriety. I further thought that it 
would be unadvisable to intrust Gregory with the sig- 
nals ; and Colonel Meade therefore requested me to per- 
mit Colonel Parker to go with him, alleging that your 
intentions would be fully answered, as you did not mean 
that he should take the chief command, but to act under 
Gregory ; and as Colonel Meade was unacquainted witji 
the officers stationed there, he pressed me to permit 
l^arker to go, to which I have consented, and Gregory 
must give up his command vmtil the matter is cleared up. 
From Colonel Parker's report, you will see that the 
enemy's works at the Great Bridge are very strong, and 
perhaps will not be taken without loss of men and loss 
of time. Should the place not fall so soon as you ex- 
pect, I request your orders, whether the troops may be 
permitted to pass the Great Bridge to Norfolk, and leave 
just men enough to confine the enemy to their works, as 
perhaps, if this is not permitted, we shall be disappointed 
in the main object. Colonel Meade will march to-moi'- 
row morning, and I expect him to get to Gregory's camp 
by the evening of the 6th. 

T have the honour to be. 

With great respect, dear General, 
Your most obedient servant, 

P. MuHLENnERn, 

To Majoi-Gcncral Baron Steuben. 

34 



398 APPENDIX. 

No. 40. 

Camp, near Suffolk, March 11, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

Last evening Colonel Senft', with Colonel Gouvian, 
arrived here, and communicated to me your orders rela- 
tive to the destined attack. Colonel Gouvian returns 
this morning to Williamsburg, with Mr. Ludeman, to 
whom I beg leave to refer you for an account of our late 
manoDUvres ; I shall only trouble you with a few parti- 
culars. On the 8th, I marched to the fork of the road 
below Hall's, where we encamped. On the 9th, at 
break of day. Colonels Parker and Meade marched with 
their detachment for the Great Bridge, while a party 
from my corps marched towards Portsmouth, in order 
to amuse the enemy. At two o'clock Colonel Parker 
wrote me that he was safe. Upon receiving this notice 
I returned to camp, in hopes of finding the promised re- 
inforcement, but am sorry to inform you that only 
between four and five hundred men are yet arrived, and 
those are totally without arms, as neither those you 
ordered on, nor those from Cabin Point, are yet come to 
camp, though I hope they will get in to-day. We are 
likewise in the utmost want of cartridges, as T have not 
a single one on hand to supply the troops coming in, 
and even the detachment under Colonel Parker was 
obliged to march with less than t(ni rounds per man. I 
have promised to send them a supply as soon as I have 
it in my power. 

Enclosed I do myself the honour to transmit you some 
letters relative to General Gregory. I confess myself at 



APPENDIX. 399 

a loss to judge. He may be innocent, and I hope he 
may prove himself so. Enclosed is likewise the return 
you were pleased to order. 

I have the honour to be, 

With great respect, dear General, 
Your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
Major-General Baron Steuben. 

No. 41. 

Williamsburg, 12th March, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

Captain Ludeman has just handed me your favour of 
yesterday. I have already sent you all the arms I had, 
and expect they are with you by this time. Ammuni- 
tion is also gone to you. Captain Ludeman gave me 
the first information of the arrival of two British vessels 
of sixty-four and fifty guns. 

A brig and two or three small merchant vessels have 
fallen down the river, I don't know with what intention. 
When the brig lay off" this place, I sent on board and 
ordered them to return to Hood's ; but it seems they are 
got down to Pagan's Creek. I suspect they are con- 
cerned with the enemy ; at all events, as all the vessels 
on James River are taken up by Government, if pos- 
sible you must secure these vessels by force, and have 
them brought up the river to Flood's. 

To-morrow I shall order one regiment of General 
Weedon's detachment to cross and take post at Bur- 
well's Ferry ; but if you think they will be of more ser- 



400 APrENDIX. 

vice at Sleepy Hole, 1 leave it to you to order tlieni there. 
Two six-pounders will also cross ; these are destined for 
your brigade, and you will therefore dispose of them as 
you think fit. As they have only eight artillerymen 
with them, Captain Pendleton must choose out from 
your command as many old soldiers as will be neces- 
sary for the purpose. 

Steubkn. 
'I'o Cicucrul Mulilciibcrg;. 



No. A2. 

Head-quarters, Portsnioulli, March 11, 1781. 
Sir, — 

I wrote you, the 8lh instant, by Lieutenant Ilerron, 
respecting the detention of a flag of truce, which left this 
place on the 1st of February, with my permission to go 
to Westover, to which I beg leave to refer, and to which 
I have not received an answer. I have thei'efore sent 
Lieutenant Learmouth with a flag, for an answer to my 
letter referred to, and expect, as you are a gentleman, 
that an explicit and not an evasive answer will be re- 
turned to me. The violation of a flag of truce is so un- 
precedented among civilized, nay among savage nations, 
and calls so loudly for redress or retaliation, that I 
esteem it my duty to demand to know for what reasons 
mine has been violated, in the instance of Lieutenant 
Hare, and that the vessel and people should be imme- 
diately released and returned to me. If I receive not a 
satisfactory answer, or you persist to act in defiance of 
the law of nations, I shall be under the necessity of tak- 



APPENDIX. 401 

ing such measures, however disagreeable, and which I 
have hitherto avoided, as will teach a proper respect to 
flags of truce, and will convince those in power among 
you that I am not to be trifled with. 

I beg you to remember that I have hitherto spared 
your defenceless towns and private property. I wish 
not to be forced into acts of severity at which the hu- 
mane heart must recoil. 

I beg leave also to observe (in compassion to your 
people prisoners with me), that I have either received 
none or evasive answers to every proposal I have made 
for an exchange of those unhappy people. 

I have the honour to be, sir, 
Your obedient humble servant, 

B. Arnold, Br. Genl. 
To Brigadicr-Ccncral Mulilciibcrg. 



No. 43. 

Williamsburg-, March 23d, 1781. 
Geal. Muhlenberg : — 

My dear General, — On my arrival here, I have heard 
that the French fleet left Newport on the 8th instant. I 
heard likewise that a body of troops, whose numbers I 
do not know, have lately left New York. By all ac- 
counts the fleet now in Lynhaven Bay brought no 
troops along. It is not yet known vv^hose fleet it is, but 
I am very much inclined to believe that it is that of 
Arbuthnot. All these circumstances oblige me to sus- 
pend, though not to give over, our intended expedition ; 
34* 



402 APPENDIX. 

and I will be obliged to you to keep your troops in rea- 
diness till matters are sufficiently cleared up. 

You will oblige me by letting me know what accounts 
you have received from Portsmouth, as soon as possible. 

Steuben. 



No. 4-1. 

Camp, near .Suflblk, March 2-ltli, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

Captain Browne, who has been in the town since the 
arrival of the British army, has just come in from Ports- 
mouth, and gives the following intelligence : — that the 
British fleet, consisting of seven ships of the line, one 
fifty, and three frigates, arrived in Lynhaven Bay on 
Saturday last ; that about twenty leagues off the Cape, 
they fell in with the French fleet, and engaged them one 
hour and a half, when the British fleet was compelled to 
sheer off, with considerable loss, having sixty-five killed 
on board one of their seventy-fours. The London is 
likewise considerably damaged in her rigging, and has 
lost her main-yard, so that it will take them some time 
to refit. 

The marines from Portsmouth have been taken away 
to man the fleet; and the whole of their transports, except 
four, are likewise gone to join the fleet. This, I think, 
will enable me to keep the enemy close in Portsmouth, 
and increase their distress for want of provisions, which 



APPENDIX. 



403 



is already great, and I cannot learn that the fleet has 
brought them a supply. 

I have the honour to be, 

With great respect. 
Your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To the honourable Major-Gcneral 
the Baron de Steuben. 



No. 45. 

Williamsburg, 27th March, 1781. 
General Muhlenberg, — 

My dear General — Last night I received intelligence 
that the British fleet returned on Saturday night into 
Lynhaven Bay, and that yesterday morning they were 
joined by eighteen more sail. These, I suppose, are 
transports, with the troops from New York. 

In this situation, I think it of the utmost consequence 
that you collect the whole of your force together. You 
will therefore immediately recall the two regiments you 
detached with Colonel Parker, making such movements 
as you think proper to effect a junction with these troops. 
This must be done before the enemy have time to send 
them new troops, as afler that it will be difficult, if not 
impossible. Should anything now prevent your forming 
a junction with them on this side the Swamp, you must 
send them orders to go round and join you the other way. 

I am, dear General, 

Steuben. 



401 ArrENDix. 



No. 46. 

Camp near Scott's, April 3d, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

Your favour of the 2d is this minute come to hand. I 
did myself the honour to write you on the 1st, and en- 
closed you what intelligence I had received relative to 
the enemy's strength at Portsmouth, viz., that the rein- 
forcement they had I'eceived consisted of 2,500 or 3,000. 
Besides those, they have about 200 horse, and are com- 
manded by General Phillips. From this reinforcement, 
and the number of boats I knew the enemy had at com- 
mand, I did not think my position secure, and therefore 
removed the main body to my old camp near Scott's, 
leaving Colonel Matthews' and Colonel Wills' regiments, 
with Nelson's horse, at my old camp at Cowper's Mills, 
and sent Colonel Dick's battalion to reinforce the troops 
stationed at Chuckatuck ; so that I am now, in my 
opinion, in the best position this place affords, either to 
prevent their making excursions into the country, or to 
keep pace with them, should they move up James River, 
which I am inclined to think they will attempt. 

The reason which chiefly inclines me to believe that 
they intend to move up James River is, that they landed 
their horse on the bay shore, and crossed them over to 
Portsmouth ; and report says that Arnold is to march by 
land, while the fleet, with part of the troops, moves up 
the river. Enclosed I do myself the honour to send you 
a fjazette extraordinarv from New York. The moment 



ArrENDix. 405 

I have my camp a little settled, 1 shall do myself the 
honour to write you fully. 

I have the honour to be, 
With great respect, dear General, 

Your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Major-General Baron Steuben. 



No. 47. 

rortsmontl), 3d April, 1781. 
Sir, — 

1 have had reported to me by Brigadier-General Ar- 
nold, that he has made several overtures to the officers 
in command of the American troops, for an exchange of 
the prisoners of war made by the British and American 
forces in Virginia, but that these humane propositions 
have been evaded, counteracted, and refused upon various 
pretexts ; and that, notwithstanding General Arnold had 
allowed a number of prisoners, taken in arms upon his 
expedition up James River, to go home upon their paroles, 
the same indulgence had never been granted to any of the 
British prisoners. 

I apprehend it will be allowed, from General Wash- 
ington to the lowest rank in the American army, that I 
have with unwearied pains promoted the softening of the 
rigours of war by procuring, from my applications to his 
Majesty's commander-in-chief, every possible indulgence 
to the American officers, prisoners of war; and I appeal 
to several individuals now in Virginia upon the occasion. 



40G APPENDIX. 

They can inform yon, sir, how much they are indebted 
through me for very many instances of compassion and 
humanity from his Excellency General Sir Henry 
Clinton. 

I am desirous and willing, sir, to pursue the same line 
of liberal conduct while I remain opposed to you in Vir- 
ginia ; but as I am above duplicity myself, I will not be- 
come the dupe of it among others. I will not consider 
you, sir, in the narrow, contracted view in which persons 
unacquainted with the generous feelings of a soldier are 
often seen. I will, on the contrary, suppose you go- 
verned by the openness and candour which usually, and 
which ought always to govern men in our profession ; 
and under this description I address you. 

I propose to you, sir, an exchange of all officers and 
soldiers, prisoners of war on both sides, rank for rank, 
as far as will apply, and otherwise by composition, upon 
a tariff, from whence a general exchange has lately taken 
place between the British and American commissary- 
generals of prisoners, under the consent of his Excel- 
lency General Sir Henry Clinton and General Wash- 
ington. 

Should you, sir, be under the necessity of retiring 
from this proposition by a refusal of it, I shall be obliged, 
although I do assure you very unwillingly, to call in all 
officers who have been made prisoners of war, and are 
now on parole, in which will be included several gentle- 
men who have obtained that indulgence, through my 
application and otherwise, from Charleston, South Caro- 
lina. 

Solemn paroles of honour are of too serious a nature 



APPENDIX. 407 

for officers to break ; and I think I know some among 
you whom no other authority could govern under so 
nice a point but the rectitude and punctilio of their own 
feelings. 

If you will give it to me under your hand that Colonel 
Elligood shall bo sent in, I will immediately send 
Colonel Curies out, and conceive the exchange mutual ; 
and the moment the former arrives, I will send out a 
certificate for the latter to have liberty to act as you 
think proper. I am to beg your answer directly, as a 
ship of war will sail this evening for New York, by 
which, if Colonel Curies is not exchanged, I shall send 
him, with the rest of the prisoners of war, to that place. 
I am, sir, your humble servant, 

W. Phillips, 

Major-General. 

Briflfadier-General Muhlenberfr. 



No. 48. 
Camp at Broadwater, April 13, 1781. 

Dear General, — 

For three days past we have been employed in bring- 
ing the military and other stores to this place ; and after 
effecting this, I marched the troops I had remaining to 
this place, as I thought it imprudent to remain in my 
former position after being so much weakened. I have 
now about 1,000 men remaining, who are disposed of 
in the following manner. Major Roddick with 110 men 
at Cowpcr's Mills, above Suffolk ; Major Boyce with 150 
men near Scott's; and Colonel Wills with 240 men near 



408 APPENDIX. 

Stoner's Mills. Five luindrcd remain wilh mc at this 
place. VVc arc now distant from Suffolk twenty-two 
miles. I shall do everything in my power towards re- 
moving the military stores to Prince George Court-house, 
but the scarcity of wagons will prevent my doing it as 
expeditiously as I could wish. I have already sent part 
of the spare arms and ammunition to that place, but 
must beg leave to represent to you that Prince George 
is too near James River to render it a place of safety for 
our stores, while the enemy have the command of the 
water, and so many boats to assist in the execution of 
any enterprise they may form against that place. I 
have directed Major Mitchell, who is perfectly acquainted 
with my situation, to wait on you himself, and receive 
your orders. 

I have the honour to be. 
With great respect, dear General, 

Your most obedient servant, 

P. MuiILENBEnr.. 

Maior-Gcncral the Baron de Steuben. 



No. 49. 

Cabin Point, April 20tli, 1781. 
Dear General, — 

Yesterday afternoon at 3 o'clock, I was informed 
that the enemy showed no inclination to land near 
Pagan Creek ; from this, I judged their destination was 
further up the river. At 4 o'clock, I broke up my 
canip at Broadwater, where I left the Isle of Wight and 



APPENDIX. 409 

Nansemond militia, and marched thirteen miles, to Wall's 
Bridge, where I encamped for the night. During the 
night I received the enclosed from Colonel Wills, which 
occasioned me to march immediately for this place, in 
order to keep ahead of the fleet, I shall only continue at 
this place a short time, in order to refresh the men, and 
if the fleet should move higher up, I shall endeavour to 
keep pace with them. I have no intelligence from them 
to-day, hut expect it every moment, 

I have the honour to be, &c., 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Baron Steuben, 



No. 50, 

Camp, July ISth, 17S1. 
My dear Sir, — 

I have just received your favour of yesterday's date, 
and am sorry to find that we are not to have the pleasure 
of seeing you in camp, before you set out for the north- 
ward. If this southern climate had not affected your 
health and constitution so sensibly, I should have at- 
tempted to dissuade you from your northern jaunt at 
this time. Your knowledge in the art military, and 
your qualifications as an executive ofl^icer, will render 
your absence a real loss, not only to your regiment, 
but to the brigade and myself. 

I shall always be happy to have the esteem and 
friendship of an officer of your character, and nothing 
will give me more pleasure than to keep up the inter- 
85 



410 ArrENDix. 

course, and strengthen the tie, during your absence, 
by a literary correspondence. Wishing you a pleasant 
journey, and a speedy recovery of your health, I remain 
with respect and esteem. 

Dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 

Major Graliain, 

Ricliniond. 



No. .51. 

Shenandoah Co., Virginia, Feb. 1st, 178:2. 
Dear General, — 

In the beginning of November last I received permis- 
sion from his Excellency the Commander-in-chief, to 
retire from camp, as I was then indisposed and unable 
to march with the troops. I am now somewhat re- 
covered, and only wait his Excellency's orders when 
and where to take the field. But as I live in a part of 
the world where we receive no papers, and opportunities 
to Plilladelphia arc very rare, I request you would be 
pleased to send any orders his Excellency may have 
for me to my bi'other Frederick Muhlenberg in Phila- 
delphia, who will immediately forward them to me. 
I am, dear General, 

With respect and esteem, 
Your very humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To Brig-. Gen. Hand, 

Adjutant-General. 



APPENDIX. 411 

No. 52. 

Philadclpliia, Htli March, 1782. 
Dear Sir, — 

By a letter I had the honour to receive from you not 
long since, I learn with the greatest pleasure that j'our 
health is re-established, and that you arc ready to comply 
with such orders as his Excellency may have for you. 
I did not fail immediately to communicate the purport 
of your letter at head-quarters, and take the liberty of 
conveying to you his Excellency's orders, through your 
brother, — the channel you pointed out. The General's 
letter is a duplicate of one sent under cover to Colonel 
Febiger. With the sinccrest wishes for a continuance 
of your health, and a pleasant and successful campaign, 
I have the honour to be, dear sir, 

Your obedient and very humble servant, 

E. Hand. 

To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg. 

No. 53. 

(General Muhlenberg's General Orders.) 

Cumberland Old C. H., May 2d, 1782. 

G. O.,— 

Ilis Excellency General Washington having been 
pleased to appoint me to the general superintendence 
of the recruiting and other military service in the state, 



412 APPENDIX. 

I have thought it necessary to make the following 
arrangements : 

Colonel Febigcr will continue to command this post 
as a general rendezvous, and transact the business in 
the usual manner. The officers sent by Colonel Febiger 
to the diflercnt places of rendezvous appointed by the 
Governor and Council, are to continue until recalled, 
or ordered on other duty, either by him or myself. 
The confusion and irregularity at present prevailing in 
our line, occasioned by the misconduct of some officers, 
who have either been absent a long time without leave, 
or guilty of disobedience to orders both public and 
private, make it absolutely necessary to introduce some 
degree of regularity. A board of officers is therefore 
to sit immediately, and continue sitting every day, 
(Sunday excepted,) for the following purposes, until the 
business is completed. 

1st. They arc to examine critically the conduct of 
every officer who has been absent without leave, or 
stayed beyond the time limited; ascertain the duty he 
was on, and when last employed ; how long he has been 
absent, and whether with or without leave, or such 
other circumstances relative to his conduct as they may 
think it necessary to inquire into ; and then to report 
their opinion whether he or they ought to be prosecuted 
for their conduct, 

2d. The said Board is occasionally, as the commanding 
officer shall order, to convert itself, or a sufficient part, 
into a general court-martial, for the trial of such officers 
as it may be thought necessary to prosecute. 

3d. As the arranirement made at Chcstcrtield is found 



ArrENDix. 413 

to be imperfect in some respects, occasioned chiefly by 
changes which have happened since, the Board will 
therefore re-examine and revise the same, rectifying 
such errors as through inadvertency may have crept 
in. The Chesterfield arrangement is, however, still to 
continue the basis. 

4th. The said Board will take into their consideration 
the situation and circumstances of the line at large, and 
adopt such measures for the preservation of the value of 
our certificates, the obtaining our lands, and other matters 
which may occur or be laid before them, essentially 
necessary for the good of the line at large. 

P. Muhlenberg, Brig. Gen. 

No. 54. 

Richmond, May 23d, 1782. 
Sir, — 

I did myself the honour to enclose your Excellency 
a return by the last post of the troops at Cumberland. 
Since that time a detachment from the Eastern Shore 
has got in. I flatter myself, that as soon as the pro- 
mised clothing arrives, I shall be able to equip and send 
on two hundred men. 

The House of Assembly arc now sitting, but have 
done nothing of consequence yet, but entering into some 
spirited resolves against any private negotiation with the 
enemy, or negotiations of any kind contrary to our 
alliances and federal union. 

They likewise resolve to exert the whole power of 
the state against the enemy this campaign. 
35* 



•Ill AIU'ENDIX. 

There arc letters in town from General Greene, 
dated the Olh of this month, but contain nothing new. 
I have the honour to be 

Your Excellency's 
Most obedient, humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To his Excellency Gen. Wasliingtoii. 



No. 55. 

Cumberland C. II., July 1st, 1782. 
My dear Genekal, — 

Since my stay at this post, wliich is now more than 
two months, I have not been honoured with a line from 
you. I did myself the honour to write to you four 
difTerent times, requesting your orders in what manner 
the recruits should be sent on, whether by companies 
or larger detachments. The whole at present fit for 
duty at this post amount to one hundred and twenty- 
two, and would have been sent on before now, but were 
prevented partly by not receiving your orders, but more 
so by being disappointed in the clothing promised by 
General Washington early in the spring. I have since 
written repeatedly to General Lincoln to have it for- 
warded on, and am now in hopes it will arrive in a few 
days. As soon as the clothing arrives, the detachment 
snail be forwarded on without loss of time. 

We have nothing new from the northward that can 
be depended on. The French troops are leaving the 
state, and one thousand militia arc ordered out to garrison 



APPENDIX. 415 

York and Hampton. A report prevails in Richmond, 
and is credited, that the Marquis de Lafayette has 
arrived at Rhode Island with five or seven ships of the 
Hnc and three tliousand land forces, and that General 
Washington has taken six hundred of the enemy who 
were out on a foraging party ; but there are no official 
accounts of either. The Assembly have voted three 
thousand men to be raised immediately, and from the 
plan they have adopted, I flatter myself we shall meet 
with better success than heretofore. 

I am, with the highest respect, 
Dear General, your most obedient servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
To the Hon. Maj. Gen. Greene. 



No. 56. 

Cumberland C. H., July 9tii, 1782. 
Sir,— 

Since I had the honour to write to your Excellency 
by the last post, eleven men deserted fi'om this post, 
carried off by some old offenders, who were sent in as 
substitutes. The most notorious villain of the whole is 
apprehended, and was yesterday by a general court- 
martial sentenced to be shot. He acknowledges himself 
guilty of deserting four different times, stealing a horse, 
forging a discharge and pass in my name, and' of having 
joined the British army last campaign, but notwithstand- 
ing, I am convinced that nothing but exemplary punish- 
ment will ])ut a stop to desertion, and that the person I 



410 



APPENDIX. 



have described to your Excellency is a proper object ; yet 
I was very loth to order his execution, until I could re- 
ceive directions from your Excellency in what manner 
to act. 

General Scott, and other field officers whom I have 
consulted on this head, urge the execution, alleging that 
unless the punishment is prompt, it will not answer the 
good purpose for which it was intended, and that if I 
wait to receive your Excellency's orders, the troops will, 
in all probability, have marched, and none be left to 
profit by the example. I have therefore confirmed the 
sentence, and ordered it to be put into execution on the 
16th of this month. 

I hope the proceedings will meet your Excellency's 
approbation. 

I have the honour to be, 

With great respect, 

Your Excellency's 
Most obediciit, humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 
His Excellency Gen. Washington. 



No. 57. 

PJiiladelphia, July 22d, 1782. 
Sir, — 

Having written you by a private conveyance just be- 
fore the arrival of yours by this post, I have only to 
acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 9th inst., 
and to approve your conduct respecting the execution of 



APPENDIX. 417 

the deserter mentioned. The benefit resulting from a 
promptitude of execution, find the necessity of example 
in this case, serve to plead your justification. 
I am, sir, &c., 

G. Washington. 
To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg-, 

Cumberland C. H. 



No. 58. 

Cumberland C. H., August 15Ui, 1782. 
Dkar General, — 

I was honoured with your favour of the 10th of July, 
a {"ew days ago, and now do myself the honour to enclose 
a weekly return of the troops stationed at this place. To 
account for the small addition of strength during the last 
two months, I beg leave to inform you that after all the 
trouble I was at in sending out recruiting officers, esta- 
blishing and visiting the diflerent posts, I was compelled 
by directions from the Governor, to recall the whole, as 
the promised bounty-money could not be procured. All 
our present dependence is on the Act passed last session 
for raising 3,000 men by a draft. The county lieutenants 
are now laying off their counties into districts, but I fancy 
it will be near four weeks before they begin to come in, 
I should long before this have sent in two companies, 
but was prevented by a letter from General Washington, 
wherein he says : " The present state of intelligence and 
uncertainty prevents an order for your recruits to be put 
on the march ; as soon as this is removed, you will be 
furnished with instructions." 



418 APPKNDIX. 

The French fleet which lately touched at our Capes, 
is gone off to Rhode Island : this occasions a report that 
New York is to be attacked, but others think it more 
probable that the fleet are looking out for a port to refit. 
The Secretary at War informs me that 350 suits of 
clothing are made up for the Virginia recruits, and are 
to be sent on immediately. Among the recruits now at 
this post I found several old soldiers who formerly served 
in the artillery. As these will be much more serviceable 
to that corps than new recruits, I have directed a com- 
pany to be formed by degrees for the regiment of artil- 
lery, which is at present commanded by Captain Lieu- 
tenant Bohannan, and consists of twenty-two rank and 
file fit for duty. 

This week's accounts from the frontier are very alarm- 
ing. The Indians are pushing on and making the best 
of the victory they lately obtained over Colonel Craw- 
ford ; indeed, it is thought that not only Kentucky, but 
much more of the frontier will be entirely depopulated. 
I have the honour to be. 

With the highest respect, dear General, 
Your most obedient, humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 

To Maj. Gen. Greene. 



No. 59. 

Ashley Hill, Nov. 12tl], 1782. 
Dear Sir, — 

Your letters of the 25th August and 14th September I 
have received. In consequence of the arrangement 



APPENDIX. 419 

made by the Secretary at War, I think it probable that 
the 1st Virginia regiment on the new arrangement, will 
be employed in this country. You will therefore have 
in view the preparations necessary for finding a sufficient 
number of officers and men, to complete the corps. We 
have now, I believe, about 170 men from your state with 
the army. I shall write the Commander-in-chief on the 
subject, and you may expect to receive his orders through 
the Secretary at War. I rely on your assiduity and 
attention for getting forward the return of the Virginia 
officers, which I requested might be sent to the War 
Office, in consequence of the Resolution of Congress of 
the 7th August last. 

The 1st and 3d regiments of dragoons are already 
incorporated, and I expect will be very complete. The 
preparations of the enemy for abandoning this state are 
now in such forwardness, that I look for that event to 
take place in a few days. 

I have the honour to be, 

With sincere esteem and regai'd. 

Dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

Nathaniel Greene. 

To General Muhlenberg. 



No. 60. 

Head-quarters, Ncwburgli, 13tli Nov., 1782. 
Dear Sir, — 

Governor Harrison informs mc, in a letter of the 25th 
ult., that an officer of the Virginia line, whose name he 



420 APPENDIX. 

says he lias pointed out to you, has received a sum of 
money for the recruiting service, which he declares he 
will apply in the first instance to the payment of his own 
arrearages of pay, and the balance, if any, to the pur- 
poses for which he drew the sum. The Governor fur- 
ther informs me that he has furnished you with proofs 
of the fact, and has directed you to call the officer to a 
proper account. 

I can have no doubt of your not only immediately 
doing this, but taking steps to put a stop to a practice of 
the like kind by others. Though I hope no other will 
be found so lost to all sense of honour and honesty as to 
attempt it. 

It will be necessary for you, not only for information 
but to prevent misapplication of public money, to call 
upon the recruiting officers very often for returns, and 
if men are not sent in agreeably to returns, you may 
well suspect improper conduct. 

You will, as before directed, make me monthly returns 
at least. 

I am, dear sir, &c., 
G. Washington. 

To Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg. 

No. Gl. 

Winchester Barracks, Jan. 13th, 1783. 
Sin,— 

I have been honoured with your Excellency's letter of 
the 13th of November, relative to the Governor's charge 
against Captain Fox, the recruiting officer appointed for 



APPENDIX. 421 

Spottsylvania. Previously to tlic receipt of your Excel- 
lency's letter, I had already summoned Captain Fox to 
the rendezvous, together with Mr. Mountjoy, who had 
lodged the information with the Governor. Captain Fox 
attended, and denied the charge in the most positive 
manner. Mr. Mountjoy did not attend, hut asserted that 
he had received his information from his brother, Captain 
Mountjoy. Captain Fox at the same time produced a 
certificate from Captain Mountjoy, asserting that he had 
never heard Captain Fox make use of the expression 
alluded to. Mr. Mountjoy has since attended, and in- 
formed me that the only witness he had against Captain 
Fox was Captain Mountjoy. As this was the case, and 
there was nothing to found a charge upon against Cap- 
tain Fox, I put off the trial, wrote to the Governor, 
enclosed him the papers, and requested his further direc- 
tions, but have not yet heard from him. 

In November only we received part of the three hun- 
dred suits of clothing promised me last spring. Since 
their arrival the recruiting service comes on much better 
than before. There are two obstacles still remaining, 
which greatly retard us, to remove which I have fre- 
quently applied to the Government in vain. 

The first is, that no provisions are allowed by the 
state for the recruits at the different places of rendez- 
vous. The recruiting officer must therefore suffer his 
men to shift for themselves, and get to the reodezvous 
as well as they can ; and by this means a number of 
men are lost, for, after spending their bounty-money, 
they refuse to march to the general rendezvous without 
provisions. Major Poulson, on the eastern shore, after 
80 



422 APrENDix. 

collecting eighteen men, was obliged to disband them for 
want of provisions. 

The other is, that no steps are taken to apprehend 
deserters, or to put the laws against them in force. 

It is out of my power to send out parties to apprehend 
them, as no provisions are issued on Continental account 
at any post but this within the state, where the party 
could be supplied. 

I have indeed offered a reward out of my own pocket 
for apprehending two or three notorious offenders ; but, 
unless Government will interfere, anything I can do at 
this place to prevent desertion will have no effect. 
I have the honour to be. 
With the highest respect. 

Your Excellency's most obedient 
Humble servant, 

P. Muhlenberg. 

His Excellency General Washington, 

Head-quarters. 

No. C2. 

Berkley, March 27th, 1785. 
Dear General, — 

A number of the late officers, both at Fredericksburg 
and Richmond, requested me to inform you that they are 
apprehensive the Society of Cincinnati will fall through 
in this slate, unless some exertions are made to prevent 
it. They wish you to advertise the meeting either at 
Fredericksburg or Richmond, though much the greater 
number wish it to be at the latter, because near thirty 
officers are at present employed in tliat place and its 



APPENDIX. 423 

vicinity, and some of them in posts which they cannot 
leave. But what they are most solicitous about is, that 
either the President or Vice-President should attend, as 
many object to the gentleman who presided last at Fre- 
dericksburg. Whether those objections arc well or ill 
founded I cannot say, but it seems that many of them 
refuse to attend, provided that gentleman presides. 

I should have done myself the honour to have waited 
on you, but I have been so long detained by high waters 
that I cannot possibly spare time, as I am obliged to be 
in Philadelphia on Friday. I should be happy to re- 
ceive a line from you to know whether you can make it 
convenient to attend the meeting. 

I have the honour to be, with respect, 
Your most obedient servant, 

P. MuHLENBEKG, 
To Major-General Gates. 

No. 63. 

Traveller's Rest, Berkley Co., Virginia, 
19tli April, 1785. 
Deak Sir, — 

Mr. Charles Washington (the General's brother) de- 
livered me your favour of the 27th March. I purpose 
to attend the Potomac meeting, in Alexandria, the 17th 
instant, where I shall see the General. Previous to any 
step being taken in the business you recommend, it is 
absolutely necessary his sentiments should be known, 
for it will take all his support to prop the lulling institu- 
tion ; to act without that is only confirming its ruin. 
Whenever it is resolved to be proper to have a meeting, 



I 



424 APPENDIX. 

I think witli you tluit Richmond is the fittest place to 
hold it at. 

When I was there last December, I clearly perceived 
so rooted an aversion in the body of the Legislature to 
the revival of the Ordei-, that I by no means think this a 
favourable moment to urge it. That powerful body then 
seemed earnest to do ample justice to the disbanded mili- 
tary ; therefore it is my private opinion we should be 
cautious how we do anything to lessen their ardour for 
our interest. 

Pvlr. George Heydt came here lately, and said you de- 
sired him to tell me tiiat the Executive were continually 
ordering the money appropriated by the Legislature for 
the payment of one-eighth of the principal of the debt 
due to the military, to be paid out of the treasury for 
other purposes than that for which it was raised. I 
cannot think this will in the end be found to be the case. 
I do not say they may not, for pressing emergencies, 
have directed some of that money to be, for the present, 
taken out of the treasury ; but I persuade myself they 
certainly mean to replace it in time to pay the military, 
for I trust the Executive are too honourable and too wise 
to attempt to abrogate a positive law of the state. Your 
answer will reach mc at Alexandria by the post. 
I am, dear sir, 

Your aflectionate, humble servant, 

H. G. 

To General IMuIilcnberjr. 



GENERAL MUHLENBERG'S JOURNAL. 

1784. 

On Sunday, February 22d, set out from my father's 
in Philadelphia County, on my intended journey to the 
Falls of Ohio, as one of the Superintendents appointed 
V by the Assembly of Virginia to locate the lands intended 
for the officers and soldiers of the Virginia line on Con- 
tinental establishment. At 10, p. jr.," took leave of my 
family and parents, and rode in company with my bro- 
ther, F. A. M., to Falkener's Swamp; from thence twelve 
miles to Major Swaine's, where we remained all night. 

Feb. 23d. — Lay still, in order to procure a horse, 
portmanteau, and some necessaries. In the afternoon 
my brother returned home. 

Feb. 24th. — Set out for Reading, in company with 
Mr. Richards, and arrived there in the evening. Here 
we were overtaken by Major Swaine and Captain Paske; 
the latter had followed me in order to consult me whether 
it would be advisable for him to undertake the journey 
to the Falls of Ohio, in order to procure some land. He 
determined on the journey, and set out again for Phila- 
delphia, whilst I promised him to proceed slowly until he 
should overtake me. 

Feb. 25th. — Lay still at Reading, and dined with 
Squire Levan, in company with a number of officers. 

Feb. 26th. — Proceeded to the Rev. Mr. Schulze's, in 
Tulpehocken, seventeen miles from Reading, when find- 
ing myself indisposed, I took some medicine, and con- 
30* 



426 APPENDIX. 

tiiiuoil thurc until the 28lh, when I set out on an excessively 
cold afternoon, and rode to Colonel Kuchcr's, near Le- 
banon, and ten miles from Mr. Schulze's. 

Feb. 29th. — Lay by, on account of the excessive cold. 

!\Iarch 1st. — Set out from Lebanon, Found the cold 
very severe, and the roads almost impassable, as the 
snow was better than two feet deep throughout, and in 
many places blown up so high that I was compelled to 
break new roads through the woods. In the evening, 
after a very fatiguing journey, I arrived at Harris's Ferry, 
twenty-three miles from Lebanon, 

March 2d, — Crossed the Susquelianna on the ice, and 
came to Major Reed's, eleven miles from the ferry, where 
I expected to find some company, but was disappointed. 
In the evening I accompanied Major Reed and his lady 
to Carlisle, where the tragedy of Douglas was acted by 
some young students at law, A large number of people 
attended, who were liberal in applauding the performers. 
The theatre was in a part -of the barracks, the scenery 
new, and the whole performed as well as could be ex- 
pected. 

March 3d. — Lay by at Major Reed's, where I was 
visited by Colonels John and George Gibson, and in the 
evening Avas joined by Captain Paske, from Philadelphia, 
which gave me great pleasure, as my journey without a 
companion would have been not only disagreeable, but 
dangerous, 

March 4th. — Set out from Major Reed's in company 
with Captain Paske. Detained ourselves some time in 
CJarlisle, where I visited General Irvine ; and in the 
evening arrived at Shippenstown, twenty-four miles from 
Major Reed's, the snow still increasing in depth. 



APPENDIX. 427 

March 5th. — Set out from Shippenstown, and took the 
mountain path for Bedford, which is eighteen miles nearer 
tlian through Chambersburg. We breakfasted at Mr. 
Clarke's, ten miles from Shippenstown, at the head spring 
of the Cannigogvvinnett; thence to the Horse Valley, three 
miles; thence through the Path Valley to the Burnt Cabin, 
eight miles ; and thence to Fort Littleton, four miles, 
where we stayed all night. The snow on the mountains 
was in general between two and three feet deep, and the 
path so difficult and narrow that we should have attempted 
in vain to cross it, had not about forty pack horses crossed 
it the day before, and who now lodge at the same place 
with us. 

March 6th. — Set out from Littleton; came to Sideling 
Hill, nine miles ; thence ten miles to Juniata, v/hich we 
crossed on the ice ; from thence to Bedford, fourteen 
miles. The snow still continues the same depth. Politics 
and politicians are as plenty here as in Philadelphia, if 
great things may be compared to small. I had flattered 
myself that, as we were going toward the frontiers, we 
should soon be out of the latitude of politics ; but even 
here two men cannot drink half a gill of whiskey without 
discussing a point in politics, to the great improvement 
and edification of the bystanders. Especially so to me, 
while I stand by incog, and hear the name of Muhlen- 
berg made use of, sometimes in one way and sometimes 
in another ; for were I known, I believe no one would 
have the hardiesse to mention that name with disrespect, 
and look at me, for I have at present the perfect resem- 
blance of Robinson Crusoe : four belts around me, two 
brace of pistols, a sword and rifle slung, besides my 



428 APPENDIX. 

pouch and tobacco-pipe, which is not a small one. Add 
to this the blackness of my face, which occasions the 
inhabitants to take me for a travelling Spaniard, and I 
am sure that my appearance alone ought to protect me 
from both politics and insult. 

Marcli 7th. — Set out from Bedford in company vvith 
two Mr, M'Farlands, who were acquainted with the road. 
We took the Glade Road, and carried provisions for our- 
selves and provender for our horses ; and in the evening 
arrived, hungry and fatigued, at Mr. Black's, thirty miles 
from Bedford. 

March 8th. — Set out from Black's, came down the 
Allegheny, crossed Laurel Hill, and about an hour after 
night, came to Cherry's Mill, thirty-one miles from 
Black's. This evening it began to rain and thaw ; and 
we find the snow entirely gone on this side of Laurel 
Hill, which gives us some uneasiness with regard to the 
creeks we have to cross. 

March 9th. — It rained and snowed very hard, not- 
witlistanding which we continued our journey. At ten 
miles from Cherry's Mill, we came to Big Suweekly, 
which was rising fast: we crossed it with much difficulty, 
and got very wet. Five miles farther, we came to Little 
Suweekly, which was likewise very difficult to cross. 
We travelled five miles farther, but being very wet, the 
snow and rain increasing, we halted and stayed all night 
at Mr. Lord's. 

March 10th. — We rode ten miles to Turtle Creek, 
which was very high; and the ice breaking, we cut down 
trees, and with their assistance got over. We crossed 
first, and then drew our horses over by a long rope. We 
got over in about two hours, and arrived at Fort Pitt in 



APPENDIX. 429 

the afternoon, where I found Colonel Anderson, the prin- 
cipal surveyor, Dr. Skinner, and some other of my 
friends, waiting the clearing of the river, in order to pro- 
ceed to the Falls. Colonel Anderson was kind enough 
to offer me a passage in his boat, which is nearly ready, 
and to carry one horse for me. I shall consequently 
keep but one, and have given away my baggage horse. 

March 11th. — The ice is driving very fast on the 
Monongahela, and I expect that stream will be clear in 
a day or two. The Allegheny seems not yet broken up, 
so that in all probability it will be eight or ten days be- 
fore we can set out. This will give us time to arrange 
matters properly. This day I have delivered my war- 
rants, and those entrusted to my care, to Colonel Ander- 
son for the Continental, and Major Croghan for the state 
line, and have now fixed everything for the voyage, ex- 
cept a few necessaries which are yet to provide. The 
remaining pai't of my leisure I employ in preparing my 
lines, and trying to catch some Ohio fish, which, ac- 
cording to report, are very large; but hitherto I have 
been unsuccessful, as the river is still too full of ice. 

Sunday, March 14th. — Rains hard; keep within doors. 
The ice has now broken up, and both Allegheny and 
the Monongahela have risen upwards of twenty feet. 
This week wc are preparing our horses, &c., but do not 
expect our boat to be ready in less than ten days. 

Sunday, 21st. — Doctor Skinner, Captain Fitzhugh and 
others, left for Kentucky, the river being still full of ice. 

Sunday, 28th. — This day our boat arrived, with 22,000 
weight of flour, 1500 weight of bacon, &c., on board. 

March 20th. — Still engaged in getting our horses 
aboard. 



430 APPENDIX. 

March 30th. — This morning prevented from sailing 
by a severe snow-storm from the northwest. A boat 
belonging to Mr. Lewis, of Virginia, having himself and 
brother on board, and one belonging to Captain Ellis, 
from the Eastern Shore, go with us in company. 

March 31st. — The weather is more moderate. At 
half past ten we set out from Fort Pitt, passed Logstown 
and Fort M'Intosh, but about thirteen miles below the 
fort, near sunset, we were carried by the force of the cur- 
rent on the point of an island, where we ran the greatest 
risk of losing both vessel and cargo. In this situation 
we continued all night ; and as I was requested to take 
command of the company, we formed four watches, each 
taking the guard in turn. What added to our uneasiness 
was, that we were near the Indian shore, and, in our 
situation, would have become an easy prey to the Indians, 
who, however desirous they might be of obtaining a peace, 
would not have been able to withstand the great tempta- 
tion of plundering a boat so richly laden as ours. I like- 
wise observed how misfortunes depress the spirits, and 
raise gloomy ideas from causes which at other times 
would have no effect ; for I must confess that I did not 
hear the noise of the wild fowl, the screaming of loons, 
the whooping of owls, and the howling of wolves, which 
continued around us all night, with total indifference. 

April 1st. — At break of day our difficulties seemed to 
increase, but by one lucky effort we at last extricated 
ourselves, and got the boat into the river clear of the 
trees. We found our consort about three miles below 
waiting our arrival. We continued our course without 
accidents to Decker's Fort, where we stopped a few 
hours, and then went on to Fort Wheeling. This fort 



APPENDIX. 4'il 

was built by the Governor of Virginia in 1774, and 
was during the late war several times attacked by the 
Indians, and once by the Indians and a detachment of 
British from Detroit, who besieged it several days, and 
at last endeavoured to compel the garrison to surrender, 
by making a cannon of wood, and firing it upon the 
fort. The cannon, however, did not stand proof, and 
the Indians, who made a close attack, were beaten off 
and the garrison relieved. The fort is now totally 
decayed, and Captain Zane, the only inhabitant at or 
near the place, makes use of it for firewood. This 
place lies about one hundred miles below Fort Pitt, and 
as it is the last settlement we shall come to until we 
reach the Falls, we have agreed to stay all night, espe- 
cially as it rains and snows hard, and wc have the 
promise of some mush and milk for supper. 

April 2d. — This morning we were joined by two 
boats more, with families going to the Falls. To avoid 
any danger from Indians, they wish to keep us com- 
pany, so that we have now five sail : the Muhlenberg, 
the Lewis, the Ellis, the Dowdon, and Carpenter's 
Mistake. As the weather was moderate and fine, we 
continued under way all night, and at 4 p. m. passed 
Fish Creek, at 8 o'clock passed Fishing Creek, and at 
4 in the morning passed Muskingum, one hundred and 
eighty-nine miles below Fort Pitt. 

April 3d. — A fine day ; but as we are without wood 
and fresh meat, the whole company have agreed to land. 
Finding it impracticable, however, to bring our boat to 
shore, we were obliged to continue our course all night. 
Captain Harrison in the small boat ran ashore, and 



432 APPENDIX. 

brought a large turkey-cock. About midnight we passed 
the mouth of Sciota. 

April 4th. — Cloudy and raining; in the morning we 
went in the barge to the Indian shore and killed two 
turkeys, some ducks and pigeons. At 12 o'clock we 
passed the Little Cannauway, and afterwards passed 
the Hockhockin, and continued our course all night 
without accident. 

April 5th. — Continued on our course until 9 o'clock, 
when a heavy storm came on, and we were compelled 
to come to shore on the Indian side. After we had 
taken every precaution to keep our boat from harm, 
a hunting party turned out and killed one buffalo and 
one deer, but both very poor. This is part of the land 
allotted to the Virginia line. The storm continued very 
severely, and obliged us to lay by all night. 

April 6th. — As the morning promised a fair day, wo 
set out, but the storm coming up again, we were obliged 
to come to on the Indian shoi'e. Here we landed our 
horses to recruit them a little, and rode five or six miles 
into the country to view the lands, which are exceedingly 
fine, especially the bottoms. We killed three buffaloes, 
but found them too poor to eat, so that we determined 
to kill no more. The winter must have been very 
severe here, and hard for the game, as we have this 
day found several deer, one bear, and lour buffaloes 
dead in the woods, which seem to have perished through 
want. Two boats passed us in the night for Kentucky, 
and one went up the river with a sail. 

April 7th. — The weather is something more moderate. 
We set out about sunrise, not caring to remain too long 



APPENDIX. 433 

in our position on the Indian shore. We kept a guard 
out all last night for fear of a surprise. In the afternoon, 
we went on shore with the barge, and killed eight 
turkeys. At sunset, the wind rising and the prospect of 
a squally night, determined us to land, where we con- 
tinued until dawn of day. 

April 8th. — This morning at 7 o'clock we passed the 
Little Miami, and at 9 o'clock. Licking Creek. The 
lands on both sides of the river still continue to evince 
the appearance of being of the best quality. At 10 
o'clock went on shore with the barge and killed two 
turkeys and some ducks ; in the afternoon went on shore 
again and killed two turkeys. At 3 o'clock, we passed 
the mouth of the Great Miami, a beautiful river, having 
from appearances excellent bottoms on both sides. From 
what I have hitherto seen of the River Ohio, and the 
lands on both sides, I make no doubt that in time this 
will be the first and most valuable settlement in North 
America, At present, it is inhabited by wild beasts 
only, whose music in the night sounds rather harsh to 
the ear, and puts me in mind of heavy iron doors grating 
on their hinges. At sunset we came to, in order to 
wait the rising of the moon. 

April 9th. — At 4 o'clock we started, and about 10 
came opposite the Big Bone Lick, on the east side, 
about three miles from the river. Here the company 
consulted whether wc should make a halt in, order to 
view the Big Bone Lick, but on examining the map, we 
find that we have already passed it. The ravages 
among the game, made by the severity of the winter, 
are still visible, as we see numbers of buffaloes and 
37 



434 APPENDIX. 

Other game lying dead along the shore. At 11 o'clock, 
a heavy squall came on, which compelled us to come to 
on the Indian shore. At 3 r. m. the wind lulled, and 
we put off, but coming opposite to Mr. Lewis's boat, we 
were informed that Mr. Lewis and Mr. Towles had gone 
hunting immediately on our landing, and had not yet 
returned. On receiving this information, we put to 
shore again, and kept firing signal guns until some 
time in the night, but could hear nothing of our lost 
companions. Various are the conjectures with regard 
to their fate. Some are of opinion that they have lost 
themselves, and are unable to find their way back to 
the boat; others again are as positive in believing that 
they have been intercepted by a party of Indians and 
carried off"; for my part, I hardly know what to think. 
It rained and blew very hard all night. 

April 10th, — This morning the rain still continues, 
and we have no account of our lost companions. We 
have, however, agreed to wait for them until 10 o'clock, 
and perhaps longer, as their situation must be sufficiently 
distressing already, but will become much more so if 
we go off and leave them in the wilderness, and on the 
opposite side of the river, where there are no white 
inhabitants. At 4 o'clock, r. m., we gave up all hopes 
of finding the two gentlemen who are lost, and therefore 
concluded it would be both needless and dangerous to 
continue in our present position. We, however, left 
three men with the barge, directed them to cross the 
river to the opposite side, and wait there until to-morrow 
evening, and then if the gentlemen should not come, to 
bring off the boat. Shortly after 4 o'clock we got 



APPENDIX. 435 

under way, much distressed at being compelled to 
leave two of our companions behind, without knowing 
what may be their fate. If they have been taken by 
the Indians, it must have been by a small party who 
were afraid to attack the boats, as they must have 
heard from the firing of the signal guns that we were 
not badly provided with fire-arms. It is a sharp lesson 
to young hunters and poor woodsmen. — At G o'clock, 
after coming about ten miles, we had the pleasure of 
being hailed from the shore, where we found Mr. Lewis 
and Mr. Towles, who had been travelling at random 
the whole night, and had got to the river about 11 
o'clock this forenoon ; so that we have now still three 
men behind us, who will follow us to-morrow. At 
sunset we passed the mouth of Kentucky, where I 
caught a. catfish of about eight pounds weight, which 
came very seasonably, as we were almost tired of 
turkeys. We kept under way all night, and at break 
of day found that we were about twenty-five miles from 
the Falls. 

April 11th. — Passed several islands, and now begin 
to see canebrakes along the shore. About 11 o'clock 
we arrived at the Falls, and came to in Bear Grass 
Creek, opposite Louisville ; here we found Colonel Clarke 
and a number of gentlemen waiting for us. We were 
saluted from Fort Nelson, where Major Wales has 
command, with three guns. Soon after our arrival, 
three Shawneesc Indians were introduced to us, who 
had been sent from the nation to inform us that the 
road was open, and that they were willing to come to 
a treaty. Wo informed them that Congress had ap- 



430 APPENDIX. 

pointed commissioners to treat with the different nations, 
and that they would soon receive official information 
when and where the treaty would be held. They 
seemed much pleased, and said they would return im- 
mediately and give information to their friends ; but 
expected the great man would not suffer them to pound 
corn for their sustenance on their way home, but give 
them some flour. We gave them about fifty weight, 
and Colonel Anderson and myself purchased and gave 
them some trinkets, with which they seemed greatly 
satisfied, and promised to wear them for our sakes. 
The accounts we have from the southern Indians are 
rather discouraging. They have two weeks since killed 
a family, and carried off four young boys captive ; 
report likewise says that they are determined to oppose 
our surveying the lands in Cumberland. In the after- 
noon, we got our boat through the rapids, and fixed her 
about two miles below the town, where we were obliged 
to guard her, for fear of a surprise from the Chicke- 
mogas ; we lay all night on board. 

April 12th. — Rode to town. The town consists of a 
court-house, a jail, and seven huts, besides the fort ; near 
the town Captains Chapman and Tipton lie buried. They 
were killed and scalped by the Indians in 1780, about two 
miles from this place, on their way to visit a neighbour- 
ing station. About noon, was visited by the Shawenese, 
who told me they meant to set out to-morrow for the 
nation ; and seemed to think that, as we had given them 
something to eat, a little drink was likewise necessary. 
I therefore ordered them some whiskey, on which they 
took leave. One of them is a near relation of Old Corn- 



APPENDIX. 437 

stalk, the late Shawenese chief, and is now adopted by 
the nation in the room of Old Cornstalk ; the second is 
the Young Wolf, who is curiously ornamented and be- 
dizened ; the third is but a common warrior, whose phy- 
siognomy does not promise much, unless it be cruelty. 
From the prospect of the lands in the vicinity of this 
town, and its situation, it promises fair to become a place 
of great importance. 

April 13th. — Came up to town, procured a house in 
the Fort, where we had the papers lodged, and every- 
thing prepared in order to enable us to proceed to busi- 
ness. 

April 14th. — Captain Barbour set out from this place 
for Richmond, by whom I forwarded several letters, one 
to my brother, one to Colonel Biddle, and one to Gene- 
ral Weedon. Several gentlemen who have been explor- 
ing the lands on Cumberland have returned, and report 
that the Indians are very numerous in that quarter, that 
they are without their squaws, and are busily engaged 
in trapping beaver. 

To the 17th. — Busily employed in preparing for the 
lottery to draw for priority of location. Wrote by 
express to the county lieutenants of Lincoln, Fayette, 
and Jefiferson, to procure the guard ordered by the Go- 
vernment to attend the surveyors, though we have very 
small hopes of procuring them, as the militia seem deter- 
mined not to leave home at this season of the year, to 
which they are encouraged by a defect in the militia 
laws, which inflict no other punishment than to serve 
six months in the regular service, which at present is no 
punishment. 

37* 



438 APPENDIX. 

April 18th. — Several bears were killed in the vicinity 
of this place, and we now live as perfectly wild as if we 
were totally in the wilderness. Bear, buffalo, venison, 
turkey, and fish, form our whole and sole diet. The 
fish caught in the Ohio are large and excellent in quality. 
The catfish weigh from five to one hundred and forty 
weight, the mushanengi or pike from ten to forty, and 
the perch from three to fifteen and twenty pounds ; the 
latter is a very delicious fish. As our whole dependence 
for living is on hunting and fishing, we take it by turns, 
and I have this day caught eleven fine perch, besides 
some catfish. 

April 21st. — To-day we finished preparing the tickets 
for the lottery, and gave notice that the drawing will 
commence to-morrow at nine o'clock. 

April 22d. — Began drawing the lottery, but could not 
finish. 

April 23d. — Finished drawing the lottery. 

April 24th. — The lottery was drawn for the state line. 
My own tickets were rather high in both, so that Sciota 
will probably be the place on which I shall chiefly have 
my view. 

April 25th. — Captain Fitzhugh set out from this place 
for Richmond ; by him I wrote to Baron Steuben, Colonel 
Biddle, Colonel Gibson, and Mr. Epple. 

April 26th. — I wrote letters to the Governor and to 
Patrick Henry, Esq., advising them how far we have 
been able to proceed in the business, and stating the diffi- 
culties which at present seem likely to retard our further 
progress. 

April 27th. — Received letters from the county lieu- 



APPENDIX. 439 

tenants, setting forth the impracticability of raising the 
guard required, I called a meeting of the superinten- 
dents, to inform them of the determination of the county 
lieutenants, and to request their opinion in what manner 
to pi'oceed. The question was jjut whether it would be 
prudent and advisable to proceed to Cumberland without 
a guard. It was determined in the negative, and agreed 
to raise fifty men at forty-five dollars per month, to be 
paid out of the fund. Ofiicers were appointed to raise 
and command the men, and the 11th of May selected as 
the day on which to set out from this place for Cumber- 
land. We likewise agreed to carry two brass grass- 
hoppers from this place for our defence. 

April 28th. — Colonel G. Slaughter offered me one 
thousand acres of land within nine miles of this place for 
the same quantity out of one of my tracts on Sciota, 
which I have determined to accept, and shall take the 
first opportunity of viewing and surveying the lands. 

April 30th. — Reports tending to prevent our proceed- 
ing to Cumberland daily increase, and the motives begin 
to appear. Many people are concerned in claims in 
that country, which they have no chance of obtaining, 
unless they can prevent our going there, and on this 
account many people here are strangely prejudiced and 
throw every obstacle in our way they possibly can. 
Though it is certain we shall be able to do very little 
this summer in the surveying business on account of the 
thickness of the woods and weeds. This consideration 
has induced me to think seriously of returning, and wait- 
ing for an opportunity when we can survey. 

May 1st. — St. Tamini's day; a barbecue was given 
by the officers, and in tlie evening thirteen cannon fired. 



440 ArrENDix. 

May 2d. — Received a letter from Colonel Biddle, by 
Mr. Trent. The letter was brought to Fort Pitt by Dr. 
Shields, to whom Colonel Biddle refers me for the news. 

May 3d. — I informed some of my friends that I intended 
returning to Philadelphia, as the prospect of doing busi- 
ness during the summer was rather unpromising. I 
find, however, that I stand but an indifierent chance of 
returning from this place, and shall be obliged to take a 
ti'ip to Cumberland, notwithstanding the obstacles which 
seem to forbid it. 

May 4th. — Received a letter from General Wilkinson 
relative to Colonel Riddle's lands. In the evening seve- 
ral boats arrived from Fort Pitt, by whom we received 
intelligence that the Indians had a few days ago killed 
and scalped two men near Fort Wheeling, and cut off 
the head of one of them. This last circumstance, viz., 
the cutting off the head of one of the men, is looked upon 
by those who are best acquainted with the customs of 
the Indians as a declaration of war, or as a challenge to 
the friends of the killed to revenge their death. They 
have likewise another mode of bidding defiance, which 
is by leaving a spear or wai'-club in the body of the per- 
son killed, and then marking some trees in a direct line 
towards their town. 

May 5th. — This morning Colonel Campbell, the pro- 
prietor of this town, and Mr. Dunlap, of Philadelphia, 
arrived here from Fort Pitt. A number of people arc 
gathered here to-day to attend court. In the afternoon, 
myself and other ofiicers were summoned by the sheriff 
to serve as jurymen, which employed us until ten o'clock 
in the evenins. 



APPENDIX. 441 

May 6th. — Received a letter from Colonel Clarke, in- 
forming me that he was prevented from returning by 
indisposition, and that he should return immediately to 
his family. We intended to take a view t-ft-day of 
Colonel Slaughter's lands, but are obliged to postpone it 
until to-morrow. 

May 7th. — A flag arrived on the opposite shore of the 
river. We sent a person to bring it over, and found 
that it was an Indian chief of the Piankeshaw nation 
called Castia, with a white man, formerly a Lieutenant 
Dalton, in our service. Castia brought a belt from the 
nation, and a speech testifying their desire for peace. 
They mentioned to us that the Kickapoose have lately 
killed five or six men at the mouth of the Ohio, and had 
burned one man on the Iron banks. The Chickcsaws 
and Kickapoose are now at war with each other ; the 
latter are our declared enemies, and the war-path leads 
through part of our lands, so that we have everything 
to fear from that quarter. The Wiottonons have like- 
wise declared against us, and six Delaware chiefs are 
now out to plunder on the Ohio. 

May 8th. — This day a general meeting of all the 
officers in this place and its vicinity was called. The 
obstacles which at present seem to forbid our proceeding 
in the surveying business were laid before them ; and 
after a long and tedious debate, it was determined that 
two deputy surveyors should be sent on immediately to 
run the division line between the Continental and State 
lines, and that the business of locating and surveying 
must unavoidably be postponed until the 1st of October 
next. 



442 APriiNDix. 

May 9th. — Many persons who were not present at tlie 
meeting yesterday, seem dissatisfied with its proceedings, 
and wish to have another meeting called to-morrow, in 
order to reconsider the matter. This has been finally 
agreed to, and the meeting is directed. I have unfor- 
tunately hurt my leg, and with my usual cai'elessness 
have neglected it, so that I am hardly able to move 
about. Dr. Skinner has been kind enough to give me 
medicine, &c. 

May 10th. — This morning Captain Chaplin, who was 
sent out to recruit the guard intended to escort us to 
Cumberland, returned and informed us that he had been 
unable to procure a single man, so that we are left to 
shift for ourselves. At 3 o'clock, r, m., the officers met, 
and debated a long time whether we could at present 
proceed without running the greatest risk, not only of 
losing our lives, but destroying the fund without accom- 
plishing the business. A plan was at last proposed, viz., 
that the superintendents should proceed immediately to 
explore the country, return by the 1st of August, and 
lay the locations before the Board. The meeting then 
broke up, and a Board of Superintendents was called to 
determine finally. I find that some gentlemen are very 
violently in favour of proceeding immediately on this 
business, and urge it with warmth, notwithstanding all 
the obstacles that seem to forbid it; and though prudence 
seems to dictate a different mode, they seem absolutely 
bent. I confess 1 shrewdly suspect that those gentlemen 
mean to saddle the whole burden on the superintendents. 
They are to explore and locate the country without a 
guard, and without provisions, except what they can 



APPENDIX. 



443 



carry on their backs. They are to be obliged to run 
risks which few men would wish to undertake for others; 
and when perhaps this matter is determined on, few or 
none of those men who are at present so violent, will 
undertake to share the danger and fatigue. At 6, r. m., 
the superintendents met, and in a short time agreed to 
adopt the plan proposed. I must confess myself dis- 
satisfied ; and though I like the present plan better than 
the former one, yet with me it is only " of two evils, 
choose the least." I wish I may conjecture wrong when 
I think that one-half will never return; that much money 
will be expended on it, and the business remain unac- 
complished. Perhaps, too, from a depression of spirits 
and weakness of nerves, I may see danger where people 
of more robust constitutions, and possessed with less 
timidity than I am, see none. 

May 11th. — This morning at 10 o'clock, the super- 
intendents met and laid off the lands for the Continental 
line into three districts. Two of them are allotted to 
each district, and each of them is allowed a guide, who 
receives the same pay per day as the superintendent, 
that is, $5. My district falls into the upper part of the 
country, from Muddy Creek to the line. My conjectures 
of yesterday already begin to verify. The superinten- 
dents are completely saddled with the burden ; and the 
gentlemen who pushed the matter with so much violence, 
have already declined going, being otherwise engaged. 
A catfish of seventy-three pounds was brought in to-day. 

May 12th. — The first company, v/ith the surveyor 
who is to run the division line between Henderson and 
the reserved lands, went off down the river. 



444 APPENDIX. 

May 13th. — Mr. Keightly and others arrived from 
Fort Pitt ; and this day I have given up the intention of 
going down to explore the country, by the advice of Dr. 
Skinner, who thinks that my constitution at present is 
no ways able to encounter the fatigues we shall be obliged 
to undergo. 

May 14th. — To-day the superintendents, with the sur- 
veyor appointed to run the division line, went off to their 
districts. They set out in boats, and moan to land as 
near as possible to their place of destination. 

May 15th. — Fort Jefferson, where we have hitherto 
quartered, is now almost desolate. The few remaining 
families are inoculated for the small-pox, and the water, 
through mere carelessness, has become nauseous. The 
people are beginning to get sickly, so that I have deter- 
mined to retreat into the country for some time, for the 
preservation of my health. Colonel Dabney and myself 
rode this evening to Captain Sullivan's station, three and 
a half miles from the Falls, As this is the first of my 
excursions from the river, I was surprised to sec so fine 
a country. Nothing can exceed the richness of the soil ; 
and the luxuriant growth of the trees, especially the 
walnut, is almost incredible. I might perhaps have given 
their dimensions, but I forbear, dreading lest my memo- 
randa may fall into the hands of the Philistines, who 
would immediately conclude from this specimen that I 
was writing the history of my travels, and had taken the 
usual liberty of travellers. 

May 16th. — Colonel Slaughter called at Sullivan's, on 
his way to the upper country; and as 1 wish to see more 
of the country, I have determined to accompany them to 



APPENDIX. 445 

Colonel Coxe's station, thirty-two miles above this place. 
At 10 o'clock we set out, and passed Sullivan's old 
station and Kochendahl's, and then travelled on a tole- 
rably plain beaten path, crossed Floyd's Fork and Salt 
River, but saw no house until we got within two miles 
of Coxe's station. We were overtaken by a very violent 
storm, and arrived at Coxe's about sunset, wet and much 
fatigued. Hero we found Colonel Anderson and Dr. 
Skinner, who had left the Falls two days before me. 

May 17th. — Colonel Anderson made a purchase of 
Mr. George May, of two hundred thousand acres of land 
and upwards, in whicli purchase I became a party. This 
step obliges me to set out for Philadelphia immediately, 
and I shall start from here to-morrow. 

May 18th, — Set out for Lincoln County; took the 
route by Parker's, twelve miles distant, where we stayed 
all night, without being able to procure anything for our 
horses, and but little for ourselves. 

May 19th. — Started early, and took the path. At 10 
o'clock halted, made a fire, and broiled some pigeons I 
had killed. As soon as the horses had done grazing, we 
continued our route, and a little after dusk arrived at 
Colonel Harrod's, where we oontinued all night. Made 
thirty-seven miles. 

May 20th. — Mr. G. May and myself rode to see a 
Mr. Lewis, where we breakfasted. Here I left Mr. May, 
and went five miles further to visit Colonel Abraham 
Bowman, who was formerly my lieutenant-colonel. I 
got there about 12 o'clock, and immediately after my 
arrival 1 was taken with the fever and ague, which will 
perhaps disable me from going through the M'ilderness 
.38 



44G APPENDIX. 

with the next company, who start on tlie 25th from Crab 
Tree Orchard, 

May 21st. — I took an emetic, and in the evening began 
to take bark. 

May 22d. — To-day I had the ague, but its violence 
was much diminished. Colonel Bowman persuades me 
not to hazard the journey through the wilderness, unless 
I am perfectly rid of it ; but as perhaps there may not 
be another company ready for some time to go that way, 
and as the Indians are still troublesome, I shall if pos- 
sible attempt to go on with the company. 

May 23d. — I determined to proceed. Colonel Bow- 
man furnished me with two bacon hams, and some dried 
buffalo-tongues for the journey. In the afternoon he ac- 
companied me to the place where Mr. G. May is, from 
whence we proceeded five miles to Crow's station. The 
land at this place and its vicinity is excellent. They 
have lately laid out a town here, where the public build- 
ings for the county are to be erected. Captain Crow 
made me a present of one half-acre lot. 

May 24th. — Set out early for Crab Tree Orchard, in 
company with Mr. G. May, Colonel Slaughter, and Mr. 
Towles. We rode twelve miles to Colonel Logan's, 
where we laid in four bushels of corn for the journey. 
We then continued on, and rode thirteen miles farther 
to Crab Tree Orchard, where we stayed all night with 
Colonel Edwards. Here w-e met with a company who 
have just come through the wilderness; they came safely, 
but saw signs of Indians on the road. 

May 25th. — This morning started at break of day, 
and rode to Inglishe's station, two miles from Crab Tree 



APPENDIX. 447 

Orchard, where the company was to assemble. Part of 
it was ah'eady on the spot, and at 7 o'clock the whole 
was assembled. Upon mustering, the company was 
found to consist of forty-two men, one woman, and three 
negroes, who were armed with nineteen guns, several 
brace of pistols, and some swords. From this place we 
have now to go one hundred and twenty miles to the 
next cabin or station, twenty-five miles to the next, and 
forty to the one after. The company have provided 
themselves with pack horses to carry necessaries for at 
least ten days, and as we have some reason to apprehend 
danger from the Indians, we have determined to march 
regularly, and to guard our camp at night, to prevent a 
surprise. At 8 o'clock we started ; crossed Shagg's 
Creek, where we nooned. In the afternoon passed Great 
Rock Castle, and in the evening Little Rock Castle. As 
soon as it was dark, we turned and went about three 
hundred yards from the path, where we encamped all 
night under the trees, without shelter. It rained very 
hard during the whole night ; but to make amends, we 
were regaled with an excellent concert by the wolves. 
We have ridden about thirty miles to-day. 

May 26th. — This morning at break of day we drank 
some parched corn mixed with water, instead of coffee, 
and then proceeded ten miles further, where we made 
the first halt. We then travelled twelve miles, dined, 
and fed our horses ; in the evening we made another 
twelve miles, and encamped on Linn Camp Creek. 
We formed our camp on a rising ground, and chose the 
most advantageous position we could find to guard 
against a surprise. 



448 APPENDIX. 

May 27th. — As we are this day compelled to travel 
through the most dangerous part of the wilderness, we 
march in proper order, part of the armed men in front, 
and part in the rear, with the pack horses in the centre. 
We passed several graves where persons had been in- 
terred who were killed by the Indians ; though in fact 
they cannot be called graves, as they only raise a pile 
of old logs over the bodies to prevent the wolves from 
devouring them. At 11 o'clock we passed a place where 
the Indians last year formed an ambuscade within six or 
eight yards of the road, and fired upon ten persons who 
were going to Kentucky. They killed nine out of the 
ten ; the tenth, a girl of ten years of age, was thrown off 
her horse, knocked on the head with the butt of a gun, 
and scalped. She was found on the same day by a 
travelling company, who carried her to Kentucky, where 
she is still living. The other nine were thrown into a 
hole, where a tree had been blown up by the roots, and 
a pile of logs thrown upon them. At 12 o'clock we 
arrived at Flat Lick, where we killed a bufllilo and 
dined. We then started, and at 4 o'clock crossed the 
Cumberland River, two miles beyond which wo came to 
a place which is much frequented by the Indians, and 
not improperly called the "Shades of Death." It lies on 
a small creek between two mountainous precipices, and 
is covered so thickly with laurel, that the beams of the 
sun cannot penetrate at noonday. In the midst of the 
valley we found the bones of several human bodies, on 
which probably the wolves had made a repast. I pro- 
posed making a halt in order to bury them, but the 
jrloominess of the place prevented the motion from being 



APPENDIX. 449 

seconded. We rode three miles farther, and encamped 
for the night on the waters of the Yellow Creek, having 
ridden fourteen miles from Flat Lick. We formed a 
picket of tv.'enty-four men to stand guard, and kept fcur 
sentries out. I had the honour to be appointed sergeant 
of the guard, and relieved every hour. 

May 28th. — We started at sunrise and marched in 
good order to the foot of Cumberland Mountain, where 
we made a short halt, and then proceeded to cross the 
mountain in good order. On its summit, at a spring, 
we found the bones of two grown persons and a child, 
who were butchered there last year while they were 
drinking. As soon as we had crossed the mountain, we 
breakfasted near a fine stream ten miles from where we 
started ; then rode ten miles farther and nooned ; then 
made another ten miles to a point one and a half miles 
beyond Martin's station. 

May 29th. — Our horses begin to tire, and mine has 
so far given out, that I am obliged to exchange him. 
We rode thirteen miles and stopped to breakfast at a 
fine spring. We are now in North Carolina, and travel 
almost in the direction of the state line. After we had 
prepared ourselves to start, and some had already mount- 
ed, we were alarmed by the barking of some dogs, and 
at last a dog with his ears cut and trimmed in the Indian 
fashion made his appearance. The company, or at 
least some of them, gave me a specimen of their valour; 
every man prepared to shift for himself bv mounting his 
horse, while I took post with my gun at a tree, and 
should consequently have been left alone, if the Indians 
had come upon us ; the alarm, however, blew over. In 
38* 



450 APPENDIX. 

the afternoon we passed the valley station, and after we 
had ridden ten miles, we encamped at the foot of Wal- 
lin's Ridge, at a fine spring. We have hitherto lived 
on parched corn and a little broiled bacon, and the pros- 
pect seems not to brighten. 

May 30th. — We prepared to start early, but one o(" 
my horses was missing. We stayed about an hour, but 
were obliged to proceed without him. After we had 
gone on some four miles we came to a station, where I 
purchased a small horse. We continued on to Stock 
Creek, twelve miles, where we nooned. This afternoon 
crossed Clinch River, rode fifteen miles, and encamped 
all night within nine miles of the Block House. 

May 31st. — Set off early ; left the Block House to 
pur right, and took oft' the road to find some corn and 
provisions for ourselves, as we are entirely out of both. 
At 12 o'clock we came to Edward Callahan's, where 
we regaled ourselves with some milk, and got some 
corn at two dollars a bushel. As we were much 
fatigued, we agreed to stay all night. In the afternoon 
I found it necessary to shift my clothes, in order to rid 
myself of the ticks I had gathei'ed in the wilderness. I 
went to the river to wash, and laid my body-belt, which 
contained my money, on my clothes, but before I re- 
turned, somebody had made free, and carried it off 
without leave or license. A very pretty affair, indeed, 
to be six hundred miles from home, without a copper of 
money ! — however, Mr. May promises to furnish me 
with any sum I shall want. We lay under a tree all 
night without a blanket, as we sent on the boys to cross 
the river, with the intention of followins; immediately: 



APPENDIX. 



451 



but the hope of making some discovery with regard to 
my money induces me to continue until morning. 

June 1st. — This morning started early, crossed the 
north fork of Holston, and rode twelve miles to a large 
spring, where wc nooned. We then rode thirteen miles 
to Washington Court-house, where we continued all 
night. This evening I heard the first whip-poor-will 
this season ; there are either few or none in Kentucky. 

June 2d. — Lay by to recruit our horses. 

June 3d. — Started at 9 o'clock. Rode twelve miles 
to Major Daisy's, then twelve miles farther, to the south 
fork of Holston, and then six miles to Colonel Arthur 
Campbell's, where we stayed all night. 

June 4th. — Set out early. Rode thirteen miles to 
Martin Staley's, then eleven miles to Walter's, passed 
Fort Chissell, and rode fifteen miles to Thomas Sayer's, 
where we stayed all night. 

June 5th. — Set out from Sayer's. Rode eighteen 
miles to the Great Kanahwa, where we nooned ; then 
twelve miles to Hand's Meadows, where we stayed all 
night. 

June 6th. — Rode ten miles to Colonel Madison's, where 
we continued all day to rest ourselves and horses. From 
the wilderness to this place a number of plantations are 
to be seen along the road, but the land in general is 
poor, although now and then a spot of good land is to 
te found. The inhabitants, especially this summer, are 
much distressed for want of grain, and I am told that 
at this time many families are subsisting on milk and 
greens, without a mouthful of bread. Here by accident 



452 



APPENDIX. 



I discovered the thief who took my money, — one of the 
servants belonging to the company, — and recovered the 
greatest part of it. This morning we crossed the Alle- 
ghany at a gap where the mountain is passed almost 
imperceptibly. On this side the mountain is the head 
of Roanoke, a fine spring issuing out of the foot of the 
hill. From thence, in the course of a few miles, a 
number of small creeks unite with it, and the river soon 
becomes large. 

June 7th. — Set out from Mr, Madison's ; rode eleven 
miles to Smith's, from there twelve miles to the Great 
Lick, then eight miles to Mr. Brackenridge's, and then 
nine miles to the Widow Wood's. 

■ June 8th. — Travelled nine miles, when we crossed the 
south fork of James River, thence to Mr. Barclay's, 
eleven miles, and thence to Lexington, twelve miles. 

June 9th. — Crossed the north fork of James River, 
and in the evening arrived at Staunton, thirty miles. 

June 10th and 11th. — I found a number of military 
and other acquaintances, who pressed me to stay some 
days with them. As my horses were much jaded, and 
their backs hurt, I consented, glad of an excuse to 
stay, as I was pretty nearly as much fatigued as my 
horses. 

June 12th. — Set out from Staunton, crossed the south 
fork of Shenandoah to Mr. Zimmerman's, thence to Mr. 
Hearne's, and thence to Mr. Morris's. 

June 13th. — Set out early, and rode before breakfast 
to Colonel Beale's. I found all the family well, but 
the Colonel had not yet returned from South Cai'olina. 



APPENDIX. 453 

June 14th, Woodstock ; 17th, M'Donald's ; 19th, 

Stone House; 21st, Lancaster; 23d, Shultze's ; 24th, 
Reading; 25th, Trappe; 26th, Philadelphia. 



The following list of the General Officers of the Revo- 
lutionary Army is added, as in many instances a know- 
ledge of the relative rank of commanding officers is 
necessary to a perfect understanding of a campaign. 
Its preparation has cost no little trouble, on account of 
the scattered state of the materials. A perfect list of 
this kind may therefore be useful as a matter of 
reference. 

The first and second tables give the major and brigadier 
generals who served in that capacity during the war; 
the third, a complete list of all major-generals in com- 
mission at the disbanding of the army. 

1. MAJOR-GENEKALS. 

I3rig. Gen. Maj. Gen. 

1. Artcnias Ward, Mass. June 17, '75, Resigned Apr. 23, 1776. 

2. Charles Lee, Va. June 17, '75, Dismissed Jan. 10, '80. 

3. Philip Schuyler, N. Y. June 10, '75, Resigned Apr. 19, '79. 

4. Israel Putnam, Conn. June 19, '75. 

5. John Thomas, Mass. June 22, '75, Mar. G, '7(), Died June 2, '70. 

e. Horatio Gates, Va. June 17, '75, May 16, '76, Suspended Oct. 5, '80. 

Restored Aug. 14, 1782. 

7. Wm. Heath, Mass. June 22, '75, Aug. 9. '70. 

8. Jos. Spencer, Conn. June 22, '75, Aug. 9, '70, Resigned Jan. 13, '78. 

9. John Sullivan, N. II. June 22, '75, Aug. 9, '70, Resigned Nov. 30, '79. 

10. Nath'l Greene, R. I. June 22, '75, Aug. 9, '76. 

11. Lord Sterling. N.J. Mar. J, '76, Feh. 19, '77. 

12. Thos. Mifflin. Pa. May ]0, '76, Feb. 19. '77, Resigned Nov. 7, '77. 

13. Arthur St. Clair P^. Aug. 9, '70, Feh. 19, '77, Resigned Jan. 1782, 

14. Adam Stephen, Va. .Sop. 4. '70. Feb. 19, '77, Cashiered Oct. '77. 
1.5. Bcn.i. Lincoln. Ma^s Feh. 19, '77. 



> 



454 



APPENDIX. 



Bond't Arnold, 
Lafayette, 
De Kalb, 
Du Coudray, 
Ilnhert Howe, 
A. McDougal, 
Thos Conway, 

Steuben. 
W. Small wood, 
S. II. Parsons. 
Du Portail, 
Henry Kno.x, 
Win. Moultrie. 



Conn. 

Fr. 

Ger. 

Fr. 

N. C. 

N. Y. 

Irel'd. 

Prus. 

Md. 

Conn. 

Fr. 

Mass. 

S. C. 



Jan. 10, '7G, May 3, '77, 
July 31, '77. 



Deserted Sept. 19, 1780. 



July 31, '77, Killed Aug. iO, '80. 



Mar. I. '7G, 
Aug. 9, '70, 
May 13, '77, 



Aug. 11, '77, 
Oct. 20, '77. 
Oct. 20, '77, 
Dec. 14, '77, 



Died Sejit. 16, '77. 

Retired in 1780. 

Resg'd B. G. Nov. 24, '77. 

Resig'd M. G. June '78. 

May 5, '7r'. 

Oct. 23, '70, Sept. 15, 'SO, Retired Jan. '81. 
Aug. 9, '76, Oct. 23, '80, Retired July 18, '82. 
Nov. 17, '77, Nov. IG, '81, Rct'd to France,Nov.'81. 
Dec. 27, '7G, Mar. 25, '82. 
Sept. la, '7G. Oct. 15, '82. 



II. BRIGADIER-GENER.ALS. 



Setli Ponieroy, 
Richard Montgomery, 
David VVooster, 
Joseph Frye, 
John Armstrong, 
William Thompson, 
Andrew Lewis, 
James Bloore, 
F. W. de Woedtke, 
John AVhitecomb, 
Hugh .Mercer, 
James Read, 
Jolin Ni.xon, 
James Clinton, 
Christopher Gadsden, 
Lachlan Mcintosh, 
William Maxwell, 
Roche do Fcrmoy, 
De Borre, 
Enoch Poor, 
John Glover.. 
John Patterson, 
James Pil. Varnum, 
Anthony Wayne, 
John P. De Haas, 
Peter Muhlenberg, 
Francis Nash, 
George Weedon, 
John Cadwnlader. 



Mass. 

N.Y. 

Conn. 

Mass. 

Pa. 

Pa. 

Va. 

N. C. 

Prus. 

Mass. 

Va. 

N. H. 

Mass. 

N. Y. 

S. C. 

Ga. 

N.J. 

Fr. 

Fr. 

N. II. 

Mass. 

Mass. 

Mass. 

Pa. 

Pa. 

Va. 

N.C. 

Va. 

Pa. 



June 22, 
June 22, 
June 22, 
Jan. 10, 
.'Mar. 1, 
Mar. 1, ' 
Blar. ),' 
Mar. ], ' 
Mar. 10, 
June 5, ' 
June 5, ' 
Aug. 9, ' 
Aug. 9, ■ 
Aug. 9, ' 
Sept. 10, 
Sept. IG, 
Oct. 23, ' 
Nov. 5, ' 
Dec. 1, '■ 
Feb. 21, 
Fob. 21, 
Feb. 21, 
Feb. 21, 
Feb. 21, 
Feb. 21, 
Feb. 21, 
Feb. 21, 
Feb. 21, 
Fob. 21. 



'75, Refused to accept. 
'75, Killed Dec. 31, '75. 
75, Killed April 26, '77. 
'76, Resigned April 23, '76. 
"O, Resigned .'\pril 4, '77. 
'7G, Prisoner July, '76. 
'G, Resigned April 15, '77. 
16, Died in 1777. 
'76. Died in Aug. 76 

Retired shortly after. 

Killed Jan. 3, '77. 

Retired shortly after. 

Resigned Sept. 12, '80. 



Resigned in '77. 

Prisoner .May 12, '80. 

Resigned July 25, "80. 

Resigned Jan. 31, '78. 

Resigned Sept. 13, '77. 
77, Died Sept. 8, '80. 
77, Retired July 18, '82. 

77. Resigned JMarch 5, '79 

77. 

77, Refused to accept. 



'77, Killed Oct. 4, '77. 
'77, Resigned in 1778. 
'77. Refused to accept. 





APPENDIX. 


30. Williajii Wootifor.l, 


Va. 


Feb. 21, 77, 


3L George Clinton, 


N. Y. 


Mar. 25, '77. 


3-2. Edward Hand, 


Pa. 


Apr. 1. '77. 


33. Charles Scott, 


Va. 


Apr. 1, '77, 


34. Ebonezer Learned, 


Mass. 


Apr. 2, '77, 


35. Jedediali Huntington, 


Conn. 


May 12, '77. 


36. Joseph Reed, 


Pa. 


May 12, '77, 


37. Pulaski, 


Pol. 


Sept. 15, '77, 


38. John Stark, 


N. H. 


Oct. 4, '77. 


39. De La NeuvilJe, 


Fr. 


Aug 14, '78, 


10. John Cadwaladcr, 


Pa. 


Sept. 10, '78, 


41. James Wilkinson, 


Md. 


Nov. 6, '78, 


42. Jetliro Sumner, 


N. C. 


Jan. 9, '79. 


43. James Hogan, 


N. C. 


Jan. 9, '79. 


44. Isaac Huger, 


s. c. 


Jan. 9, '79. 


45. Mordecai Gist, 


Md. 


Jan. 9, '79. 


46. William Irwine, 


Pa. 


May 12, '79. 


47. Daniel Morgan, 


Va. 


Oct. 13, '80, 


48. Moses Hazen, 


Can. 


June 29, '81. 


49. Otho H. Williams, 


Md. 


May 9, 'f2. 


50. John Greaton, 


Mass. 


Jan. 7, '83. 


51. Rufus Putnam, 


Mass. 


Jan. 7, '83. 


52. Elias Dayton, 


N.J. 


Jan. 7, '83. 


53. Armand, 


Fr. 


Mar. 26, '83. 


54. Kosciusko, 


Pol. 


Oct. 13, 83. 


55. Stephen Moylaii, 


Pa. 


Nov. 3, '83. 


5t>. Samuel Elbert, 


Ga. 


Nov. 3, '83. 


57. Charles U. Pinckney, 


S. C. 


Nov. 3, -83. 


58. William Russel, 




Nov. 3, '63. 



455 



Prisoner May 12, 'tO. 
Nov. 13, 17S0. 



Died 



Prisoner May 12, '80. 
Resigned March 24, '78. 

Refused to accept. 
Killed Oct. 9, '79. 

Resigned Dec. 4, '78. 
Refused to accept. 
Resigned March 6, '79. 



Retired .March 1781. 



III. MAJOR-GENERALS IN COMMISSION AT THE CLOSE OF 
THE WAR. 







State. 


Date of Commission. 


1. 


Israel Putnam, 


Conn. 


June 19, 1775. 


2. 


William Heath, 


Mass. 


Aug. 9, 1776. 


3. 


Nathaniel Greene, 


R. L 


Aug. 9, 1776. 


4. 


Lord Sterling, 


N.J. 


Feb. 19, 1777. 


5. 


Benjamin Lincoln, 


Mass. 


Feb. 19, 1777- 


6. 


Lafayette, 


France, 


July 31, 1777. 


7. 


Robert Howe, 


N. C. 


Oct. 20, 1777. 


8. 


Steuben, 


Prus. 


May 5, 1778. 


9. 


Henry Knox. 


Mass. 


Marsh 2.5. 17?-2. 



45t 







/ 






t> 






APPENDIX. 


sz 


10. 


William Moultrie, 




S.C. 


October 15, 1782. 


11. 


James Clinton, 




N. Y. 


September 30, J783. 


12. 


John Patterson, 




Mass. 


September 30, 1783. 


13. 


Anthony Wayne, 




Penn. 


September 30, 1783. 


14. 


Peter Muhlenberg, 




Va. 


September 30, 1783. 


15. 


George Clinton, 




N. V 


September 30, 1783. 


16. 


Edward Hand, 




Penn. 


September 30, 1783. 


17. 


Charles Scott, 




Va. 


September 30, 1783. 


18. 


Jedediah Huntington. 


Conn. 


September 30, 1783. 


lit. 


John Stark. 




N. H. 


September 30, 1783. 



THE END. 



